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Eadweard  Muybridge 
The  Stanford  Years,  1872-1882 

This  is  the  fourteenth 
in  a  series  of  books 
published  by  the 
Department  of  Art, 
Stanford  University 
Lorenz  Eitner,  Chairman 

©1972  by  the  Board  of  Trustees  of 

The  Leland  Stanford  Junior  University 

All  rights  reserved 

Library  of  Congress  catalogue  card  number:  72-92567 

The  exhibition  which  this  catalogue  accompanies 

is  sponsored  by  The  Stanford  University  Museum  of  Art, 

The  E.B.  Crocker  Art  Gallery,  Sacramento,  and  the 

USC  Performing  Arts  Coordinating  Council  and  University  Galleries, 

University  of  Southern  California,  Los  Angeles 

The  Art  Department  of  Stanford  University  gratefully 
acknowledges  the  assistance  to  its  publishing  program 
of  the  Carnegie  Corporation  of  New  York 


This  exhibition,  designed  to  honor  the 
pioneer  work  of  Eadweard  Muybridge, 
would  have  little  meaning  had  not  his 
experiments  in  instantaneous  photography  led 
to  the  invention  of  the  most  pervasive  art  form 
of  the  twentieth  century,  the  motion  picture. 

There  is  something  at  once  awesome  and 
symbolic  in  the  fact  that  at  the  very  time  that 
Muybridge  was  conducting  his  experiments  in 
Palo  Alto,  California,  a  hundred  years  ago,  in 
Ricse,  Hungary,  Adolph  Zukor  was  born-an' 
other  kind  of  pioneer,  a  man  with  the  imagina^ 
tion  to  see  the  possibilities  of  an  art  in  the  crude, 
flickering  images  of  the  early  movies,  and  with 
the  energy  and  ability  to  create  out  of  them  the 
art'-industry  that  we  know  today. 




GE  —  AD 

In  a  very  real  sense,  the  life  of  Adolph  Zukor 
has  spanned  the  entire  development  of  motion 
pictures.  And  it  is  no  less  realistic  to  observe 
that,  without  the  leadership  of  men  like  Zukor, 
we  would  not  be  celebrating  today  these  early 
achievements  of  Eadweard  Muybridge.  The  an' 
nals  of  history  must  be  filled  with  bold  pioneers 
whose  inventions  are  wholly  forgotten  because 
no  one  had  the  imagination  to  find  an  audience 
for  them. 

It  is,  therefore,  more  than  appropriate  that  in 
honoring  the  centennial  ofEadweard  Muybridge' s 
achievements  we  also  recognize  the  centennial 
of  Adolph  Zukor's  birth.  The  creative  artist  and 
the  creative  entrepreneur- the  one  could  never 
exist  without  the  other. 


Eadweard  Muybridge 
The  Stanford  Years,  1872-1882 

Stanford  University  Museum  of  Art    7  October  -  4  December  1972 

E.  B.  Crocker  Art  Gallery,  Sacramento     16  December -14  January  1973 

University  Galleries,  University  of  Southern  California,  Los  Angeles    8  February -11  March  1973 

^VlNQ   STUOV°* 

This  catalogue  and  the  exhibition  it  accompanies  are  dedicated  to 
the  painter  Susan  Weil,  of  New  York,  who  introduced  me  to  the  work  of  Eadweard  Muybridge  in  1953 

Anita  Ventura  Mozley,  Registrar  and  Curator  of  Photography 
Stanford  University  Museum  of  Art 

Eadweard  Muybridge:  The  Stanford  Years,  1872-1882 

Introduction        Anita  Ventura  Mozley        7 

Eadweard  Muybridge,  1830-1904        Robert  Bartlett  Haas        11 

Photographs  by  Muybridge,  1872-1880 
Catalogue  and  Notes  on  the  Work        Anita  Ventura  Mozley        37 

Marey,  Muybridge  and  Meissonier 
The  Study  of  Movement  in  Science  and  Art        Frangoise  Forster-Hahn        85 

Documents         110 

Muybridge  Bibliography         134 

Jean-Louis-Ernest  Meissonier  (1815-1891) 
Leland  Stanford  "1881" 
oil  on  canvas,  15  x   20  in. 
Stanford  University  Museum  of  Art 
Stanford  Collection 

Photograph  by  Wm.  Vick  Studio,  Ipswich 
Eadweard  Muybridge  c.  1881 
Courtesy  of  Robert  B.  Haas 


"The  circumstances  must  have  been  exceptionally  felicitous  that 
made  co-laborateurs  of  the  man  that  no  practical  impediment 
could  halt,  and  of  the  artist  who,  to  keep  pace  with  the 
demands  of  the  railroad  builder  hurried  his  art  to  a  marvel  of 
perfection  that  it  is  fair  to  believe  it  would  not  else  have 
reached  in  another  century.  " 

E.J.  Muybridge,  1881 

That  the  Stan  ford /Muybridge  collaboration  was  a  felicitous  one 
was  widely  acknowledged  in  its  own  time.  The  outcome  of  the 
photographic  experiments  they  made  at  Palo  Alto  Farm  in 
1878  and  1879  was  reported  in  journals  in  this  country  and  in 
Europe.  By  1879,  the  year  in  which  Thomas  Eakins  based  his 
painting,  The  Fairman  Rogers  Four-in-Hand,  on  a  serial 
photograph  from  Muybridge's  The  Horse  in  Motion, 
representation  of  the  horse  in  art  was  changed  to  conform  with 
photographic  evidence,  and  in  1881,  the  year  of  Muybridge's 
triumph  in  France,  the  physiologist  Etienne-Jules  Marey  of  the 
College  de  France  abandoned  the  method  of  graphic  notation 
of  animal  locomotion  that  he  had  been  using  and  turned, 
under  the  influence  of  Muybridge's  results,  to  making 
photographic  records  of  motion.  Muybridge's  zoopraxiscope, 
which  he  devised  in  1879,  was  the  first  instrument  to 
synthesize  motion  that  had  been  analytically  photographed 
from  life.  Thus,  as  a  result  of  the  experiments  at  Palo  Alto 
Farm,  the  forerunner  of  the  motion  picture  was  introduced  to 
astonished  nineteenth-century  audiences,  of  whom  the  first  was 
the  Leland  Stanford  family  in  their  Palo  Alto  home.  "All  that 
was  wanting,"  said  one  San  Francisco  reporter,  "was  the  clatter 
of  hoofs."  Muybridge  himself  forecast  the  day  when  entire 
operas  would  be  presented  through  the  combined  effects  of  his 
zoopraxiscope  and  the  phonograph. 

The  successful  outcome  of  the  Stanford /Muybridge 
collaboration  has  called  forth  twentieth -century  celebrations:  in 
1929,  a  three-day  colloquium  was  held  at  Stanford  University, 
and  in  1930,  the  Royal  Borough  of  Kingston-upon-Thames, 
Muybridge's  birthplace,  struck  a  medal  marking  the  centenary 
of  his  birth.  Forty-two  years  later,  the  Stanford  University 
Museum   of  Art  celebrates   the   hundredth   anniversary   of  the 

beginning  of  Stanford's  and  Muybridge's  work  together  with  the 
presentation  of  an  exhibition  and  catalogue  that  differs  from 
these  previous  events  in  this  respect:  we  hope  now  to  present 
Muybridge  whole,  as  it  were,  and  to  make  it  clear  that  the 
"man  who  took  the  pictures  of  the  running  horses,"  as  he  is 
most  often  described,  came  to  the  task  quite  prepared  for  it, 
through  some  ten  years  of  experience  as  a  photographer.  And 
we  want  to  answer  to  his  often-repeated  description  of  himself 
as  "a  photographic  artist"  with  a  display  of  his  work  of  the 
1870s  upon  which  such  a  description  is  based.  The  art  of 
photography  is  dependent  upon  its  science;  this  was  especially 
true  when  Muybridge  practised  it,  for  there  were  then  no 
packaged  goods,  and  every  photographer  was  his  own  chemist. 
We  will  also  see,  in  Muybridge's  work  of  the  1870s,  how 
technically  proficient  he  was  before  he  undertook  the  studies  of 
animal  locomotion.  In  our  change  of  emphasis,  or  rather 
extension  of  interest  in  the  work  of  Muybridge,  we  will  follow 
him  as  he  "hurried  his  art  to  a  marvel  of  perfection,"  and 
finally  produced  for  Stanford  the  synthesized  motion  that  had 
been  so  avidly  sought  in  the  nineteenth  century.  Here  now  is 
given  not  only  the  accomplishment  for  which  Muybridge  is 
internationally  known,  but  also  the  work  basic  to  it,  which  we 
believe  deserves  equal  attention.  This  is,  so  far  as  we  know,  the 
first  time  that  the  Muybridge  studies  of  animal  locomotion  have 
been  seen  in  relation  to  the  photographs  that  preceded  them. 

In  focusing  on  Muybridge's  work  during  these  years  of  his  and 
Stanford's  collaboration,  we  have  learned  some  strange  things. 
Through  documents  recently  made  available  by  the  George 
Arents  Research  Library  of  Syracuse  University,  we  learn  that 
Muybridge  was  early  a  writer,  a  talent  often  congenial  to 
photographers.  The  quotation  given  above  is  from  an  unsigned 
history  of  the  Palo  Alto  experiments  that  appeared  in  the  San 
Francisco  Examiner  for  6  February  1881  under  the  heading 
"Leland  Stanford's  Gift  to  Science  and  to  Art."  According  to 
Muybridge's  history,  Stanford's  gift  was  Muybridge.  His  article 
on  the  collaboration  is  rich  in  praise  of  Stanford  and  himself, 
and  the  dates  he  gives  for  some  circumstances  of  the 
experiments  are  questionable.  We  are  not  sure,  for  instance, 
having  no  photographic  proof,  that  Muybridge  really  did  take  a 

photograph  in  1872  of  a  horse  at  that  point  in  its  stride  when 
all  four  feet  are  off  the  ground.  Marey  published  experimental 
proof  of  this  unsupported  transit  in  1873.  While  we  celebrate  a 
centennial  date,  we  must  also  question  it:  did  both  Stanford 
and  Muy bridge  thus  claim  priority  for  their  work?  Still, 
Muybridge  always  said  that  his  experiments  "commenced  in 
1872,"  and  Stanford  never  disallowed  the  statement. 

As  a  writer,  Muybridge's  subject  was  most  often  himself:  in 
1868  he  had  written,  as  publisher,  about  his  own  photographs, 
which  he  then  issued  under  the  pseudonym  "Helios." 
Muybridge  was  also  his  own  best  historian:  the  most  valuable 
source  of  information  we  have  about  his  career  is  the 
scrapbook,  now  in  the  Kingston-upon-Thames  Library,  that  he 
made  of  press  clippings  he  had  gathered  throughout  his  life. 

It  is  also  strange  to  learn  that  it  was  doctors'  orders,  of  all 
things,  that  started  each  of  them  on  the  courses  that  would 
eventually  bring  them  together.  From  Scrapbook  6  of  the 
Stanford  Family  Scrapbooks  in  the  University  Archives,  an 
article  of  the  early  1890s,  under  the  heading  "Senator 
Stanford's  Great  Palo  Alto  Breeding  Ranch,"  we  find  that 
Stanford  "became  interested  in  thoroughbred  horses  .  .  . 
through  ill  health.  My  doctor  had  ordered  a  vacation  for  me 
and  had  told  me  that  I  must  go  away  on  a  tour.  I  could  not 
leave  at  that  time,  and  he  advised  me  to  leave  as  soon  as 
possible.  I  bought  a  little  horse,  that  turned  out  to  be 
remarkably  fast,  and  it  was  in  the  using  of  it  that  I  became 
interested  in  the  study  of  the  horse  and  its  actions.  .  .  ."  And, 
according  to  Robert  B.  Haas,  Muybridge's  biographer, 
Muybridge  was  ordered  by  his  physician  to  take  up  an 
"outdoor"  activity  to  repair  his  health  after  a  nearly  disastrous 
stagecoach  accident.  Stanford  determined  to  breed  and  train 
fast  horses;  Muybridge  to  become  a  professional  photographer. 

They  were  both  men  who  strove  to  be  at  the  top  of  their 
chosen  fields.  H.C.  Nash,  tutor  to  Leland  Stanford,  Jr.,  from 
1881  until  the  boy's  death  in  1884,  remarked  in  1889  to  the 
historian  H.H.  Bancroft,  who  was  preparing  his  Chronicles  of 
the  Builders,  that  "anything  in  which  Stanford  is  interested,  he 
can  go  at."  Stanford  went  at  the  breeding  and  training  of 
trotting  horses  in  such  a  way  as  to  make  the  Palo  Alto  Farm 
famous  throughout  the  world.  He  invented  the  so-called  "brush 
system"  of  training,  a  system  in  which  young  horses  were 
trained  early  for  speed  rather  than  endurance.  According  to 
Charles  Marvin,  the  well-known  trainer  Stanford  hired  in  1878, 

Stanford  instituted  what  we  now  consider  progressive  notions, 
even  in  relation  to  the  education  of  children.  In  his  Training 
the  Trotting  Horse,  Marvin  tells  that  no  employee  was  kept  on 
who  used  an  angry  tone  or  a  foul  word  in  the  presence  of  the 
horses,  and  the  daily  custom  of  the  stable  included  every 
comfort  for  the  physical  well-being  and  emotional  security  of 
the  animals,  including  hot  meals  from  a  recipe  of  Stanford's 
own  devising.  The  young  horses  were  guided  through  steps  in 
their  education  according  to  their  abilities,  and  Stanford 
carefully  observed  their  progress,  when  he  was  at  the  farm, 
from  his  revolving  chair  in  the  center  of  the  "kindergarten 
track."  (Muybridge's  Attitudes  of  Animals  in  Motion  of  1881 
reflects  this  personal  interest  in  the  animals;  we  know  the 
names  of  Stanford's  horses  from  the  index  to  the  photographs, 
but  the  athletes  of  the  Olympic  Club  of  San  Francisco,  the  first 
men  to  enter  a  motion-picture  stage,  are  unnamed.)  Stanford's 
personalized  system  of  training  and  breeding  was  ultimately 
widely  adopted;  in  its  own  sphere,  it  was  a  "revolution." 

Muybridge  was  equally  thorough.  After  a  successful  career  in 
San  Francisco  as  a  seller  of  imported  books,  he  plunged  into 
the  profession  of  photography  to  become  the  most  sought-after 
photographic  artist  on  the  West  Coast.  From  his  correspondence 
with  such  journals  as  The  Philadelphia  Photographer  and 
Anthony's  Bulletin,  we  learn  that  he  followed  closely  advances 
in  the  technique  of  photography,  and  early  contributed  ideas 
that  furthered  progress  in  its  practice.  He  was  ambitious  for 
preeminence:  if  the  photographer  Carleton  E.  Watkins  could 
make  18  x  22  in.  negatives  of  the  Valley  of  the  Yosemite  in 
1861,  Muybridge  would  eventually  go  him  better,  in  1872,  and 
take  larger  and  more  comprehensive  views  than  had  ever  been 
made  of  it,  or  any  other  Western  scenery,  for  that  matter.  For 
this  work  he  won  the  gold  medal  for  landscape  at  the  Vienna 
Exposition  of  1873,  in  a  competition  that  included  fifty 
photographers  from  all  over  the  world.  At  this  time  he  was 
associated  with  the  Bradley  &  Rulofson  Gallery  of  San 
Francisco,  which  boasted  "the  only  elevator  connected  with 
photography  in  the  world,"  among  other  superiorities  of  men 
and  equipment.  The  Bradley  &  Rulofson  publication,  Catalogue 
of  Photographic  Views  Illustrating  The  Yosemite,  Mammoth 
Trees,  Geyser  Springs,  and  other  remarkable  and  Interesting 
Scenery  of  the  Far  West,  by  Muybridge  tells  us  that  by  1873, 
Muybridge  had  photographed  in  both  stereo  and  large  views  the 
remarkable  range  of  subjects  that  the  catalogue  indicates.  There 
was  probably  hardly  a  parlor  in  the  West  that  did  not  have  some 
stereo    views    by     Muybridge,    which,    when    placed    in    the 

stereoscope,  would  delight  the  viewer  with  a  three-dimensional 
vision  of  spectacular  scenery  which  he  might  never  otherwise 
see.  We  also  know,  from  the  almost  comprehensive  collection  of 
Muybridge's  work  of  these  years  which  is  now  held  by  The  Bancroft 
Library  that  also  he  had  made  studies  of  moonlight  effects,  light 
and  shadow,  reflected  images,  of  clouds  and  of  trees.  The 
Philadelphia  Photographer  called  him  "indefatiguable  and 
untiring";  one  term  alone  would  not  do  justice  to  the  amount  and 
variety  of  his  photographic  production. 

When  Stanford  and  Muybridge  met,  Stanford,  ex-Governor 
of  California  and  President  of  the  Central  Pacific  Railroad,  was 
one  of  the  state's  leading  citizens;  Muybridge  was  at  the  top  of 
his  profession.  They  met,  therefore,  as  equals  in  terms  of  the 
business  at  hand,  in  which  each  developed  a  consuming  interest. 
During  the  time  of  their  collaboration,  what  must  have  been 
immense  personal  differences  were  put  aside.  It  is  interesting  to 
picture  the  railroad  builder  and  the  artist  in  conversation  at 
Palo  Alto  or  in  Stanford's  offices  in  the  city  and  to  recognize 
their  temperamental  differences  as  we  can  gather  them  from 
styles  of  expression  and  dress.  In  1881,  Meissonier  painted  the 
carefully  groomed  business  man  in  his  proper  garb  of  the 
period,  with  his  ivory-headed,  gold-inlaid  cane.  Here  is  the  man 
who  could  utter:  "The  machine  cannot  lie."  Shortly  thereafter 
Olive  Logan  reported  from  London  to  the  Philadelphia  Times 
that  Muybridge  "bears  the  traces  of  genius  in  his  face  and 
general  get-up.  As  to  the  latter,  it  is  artistique  au  possible;  the 
loosely    tied    neck    ribbon,    the    velvet    coat,    the    gray    felt 

sombrero these   might   be   called  Californian,  were  they  not 

the  true  artistic  style  of  the  London  and  Paris  ateliers.  With 
gray  hair  carelessly  tossed  back  from  an  intellectual  forehead, 
bright  flashing  eyes  and  a  pleasant  mouth,  Mr.  Muybridge  must 
make  himself  an  interesting  subject  for  a  photograph,  whether  in 
motion  or  at  rest.  .  ." 

Each  of  them,  as  the  work  came  to  an  end,  saw  in  its 
successful  conclusion  the  realization  of  their  separate 
aspirations,  and  a  claim  to  glory.  For  Stanford,  it  was  the 
crowning  achievement  of  his  interest  in  the  scientific  training 
and  breeding  of  horses.  For  Muybridge,  it  summarized  his 
superiority  in  the  science  and  art  of  photography.  Each  of  them 
believed  his  role  to  be  the  important  one.  It  was  the  end  of 
felicity.  Stanford  published  his  own  book  on  the  experiments, 
giving  the  photographer  little  credit,  and  Muybridge,  after 
registering  his  objections  to  this  by  suing  his  former  patron, 
found  some  one  else  to  support  more  extensive,   accurate  and 

elaborate  experiments. 

Underlying  the  eventual  falling  out  between  them  was,  it 
appears,  the  difference  between  the  interests  that  had 
brought  them  together.  A  theory  of  animal  locomotion  was 
what  Stanford  was  after,  and  photographs  were  useful  to  it  as 
proof  only.  They  were  the  raw  material  of  the  investigation, 
and  once  they  provided  him  with  information,  they  could  be 
thrown  out  the  window.  To  be  finally  acceptable,  to  Stanford, 
photographs  had  to  be  translated  into  a  more  traditional 
graphic  medium.  (He  would  take  the  photographs  of  the 
Olympic  Club  athletes  to  Europe,  a  San  Francisco  newspaper 
reports  in  1879,  "to  have  them  worked  up  into  large 
paintings.")  He  published  line  copies  of  Muybridge's 
photographs  in  his  book,  The  Horse  in  Motion,  which  was 
written  by  Dr.  J.D.B.  Stillman.  (Who,  Muybridge  later  said, 
"never  was  present  at  an  experiment  in  motion.")  By 
translating  Muybridge's  photographs  into  line  drawings, 
Stanford  destroyed  the  very  exact  "witness  of  the  sun,"  as  the 
nineteenth  century  called  photography,  a  witness  he  himself 
had  so  unhesitatingly  sought  from  Muybridge.  The 
photographer  of  motion  was  furious.  Stanford,  the  wealthy 
collector  of  certified  American  and  European  art,  did  not  have 
a  photographic  vision.  Muybridge  did,  and  it  is  his  vision  that 
convinces  us  today. 

Muybridge  worked  at  a  time  when  the  canons  of  his  art 
were  being  invented;  he  was  one  of  the  inventors.  He  began  his 
work  rooted  in  a  nineteenth-century  idea  of  illustration.  As  did 
other  photographers  of  his  time,  he  turned  to  painting  as  a 
model.  So  powerful  were  his  photographs,  that  painters  came  to 
use  them  as  studies  for  their  own  work.  He  manipulated  his 
negatives,  touching  them  out  where  it  seemed  effective,  or 
combining  them  for  heightened  drama,  a  practice  that  is  being 
taken  up  again  today  among  photographers.  As  he  progressed  in 
his  profession  the  science  of  his  art  took  over;  he  soon  pushed 
the  capabilities  of  his  medium  as  far  as  his  wet-plate  collodion 
equipment  would  permit.  His  pride,  as  a  photographic  artist, 
was  that  he  "advanced  photography."  This  present  review  of  his 
work  of  the  1870s  gives  us  the  photographs  upon  which  his 
claim  to  superiority  was  based.  It  reveals  the  justification  of 
this  claim.  What  Muybridge  finally  came  to,  under  Stanford's 
patronage,  was  the  previously  unknown  photographic  analysis 
of  motion,  the  negatives  "taken  in  the  1/2000  part  of  a 
second,"  and  the  synthesis  of  this  stopped  motion.  In  1972,  when 
his  achievement  is  our  daily  reality,  we  celebrate  it. A.V.M. 

Muybridge,  Bradley  &  Rulofson  advertising  card      1873 
Bancroft  Library,  University  of  California,  Berkeley 

Eadweard  Muybridge,  1830  1904 

Robert  Bartlett  Haas 

No  more  fascinating  and  mysterious  a  figure  flickers  through 
the  scientific  and  artistic  literature  of  the  late  nineteenth 
century  than  that  of  Eadweard  Muybridge.  The  fascination 
arises  from  his  work  in  photography  (particularly  his 
photography  of  motion),  which,  despite  its  undeniable  influence 
on  subsequent  researchers  and  artists,  remains  today  largely 
unexplored,  unstudied  or  unestimated.  The  mystery  arises  from 
Muybridge's  personality  as  well  as  from  the  curious  absence  of 
much  of  the  biographical  data  which  is  required  for  an 
objective  assessment  of  the  man  in  relation  to  his  work  and  his 
accomplishments.  How  appropriate  it  is,  then,  since  Leland 
Stanford  was  Eadweard  Muybridge's  first  great  patron,  that  the 
Stanford  University  Museum  of  Art  should  seek  a  new 
evaluation  of  Eadweard  Muybridge  in  1972,  the  hundredth 
anniversary  of  his  first  commission  for  Leland  Stanford. 

Opinions  have  differed,  over  the  years,  as  to  the  real  value 
and  meaning  of  Muybridge's  work: 

Was  Muybridge  truly  a  master-photographer  of  the 
nineteenth  century,  or  was  he  only  a  retardataire  worker  and 
self-appointed  genius?  Was  Muybridge  the  chief  architect  for 
Stanford's  plan  to  investigate  animal  locomotion,  or  was  he 
merely  a  technician  employed  by  Stanford  as  an  instrumentality 
to  realize  a  project  which  Stanford  had  independently 
conceived?  Was  Muybridge  the  inventor  of  the  modern  motion 
picture,  or  was  he  only  a  minor  figure  in  the  history  of 
cinematic  progress? 

This  centenary  exhibition  will  begin  to  answer  such 
questions.  And  if,  in  the  process  of  digesting  the  facts  and 
reducing  the  ambiguities,  the  Muybridge  legend  should 
somewhat  alter,  Eadweard  Muybridge  will  at  least,  or  at  last,  in 
simple  justice,  be  accorded  his  rightful  and  considered  place. 

1830-1872:  From  Muggeridge  to  Muybridge 

Eadweard  Muybridge  was  born  Edward  James  Muggeridge  on  9 
April      1830     in     Kingston-upon-Thames.     His     father,     a 

well-established  corn  and  small-coal  chandler,  died  in  1843, 
leaving  a  widow  and  four  sons.  Eadweard  attended  Queen 
Elizabeth's  Free  Grammar  School  in  Kingston  and  subsequently 
sought  practical  training  and  work  in  London,  where 
Muggeridges  had  been  stationers  and  papermakers  since  the 
eighteenth  century.  Muybridge's  first  American  employment,  as 
a  commission  merchant  for  the  London  Printing  &  Publishing 
Company,  and  his  early  interest  in  developing  patents  for  a 
"plate-printing  apparatus,"  strongly  suggest  a  family-related 
apprenticeship.  In  1851  he  also  became  agent  for  Johnson,  Fry 
&  Company,  serving  their  offices  in  Boston,  New  York  and 
Philadelphia.  He  traveled  between  New  York  and  the  principal 
ports  of  the  southern  states,  overseeing  the  importing,  sale  and 
distribution  of  books. 

During  these  years,  Muybridge  met  Silas  Selleck,  a  New 
York  daguerreotypist  whose  family  was  engaged  in  the  business 
of  book  printing  and  bookbinding.  In  letters  written  home  at 
this  time,  Muybridge  said  that  he,  too,  was  "working  at 
photography,"  no  doubt  under  Selleck's  tutelage.  When  Selleck 
struck  out  for  California  in  the  early  1850s  and  established  a 
successful  photographic  gallery  in  San  Francisco,  Muybridge 
resolved  to  settle  on  the  West  Coast  and  manage  a  bookstore  of 
his  own. 

At  the  age  of  twenty-five,  Eadweard  Muybridge  (first  as 
Muggeridge,  then  as  Muygridge)  established  a  bookstore  and 
general  salesroom  at  113  Montgomery  Street,  San  Francisco. 
Here  he  claimed  to  have  "a  larger  assortment  of  handsomely 
gotten  up  Illustrated  Works  than  any  other  house  in 
California."1  He  was  soon  well-known  and  well-patronized  by 
the  local  literary  and  Bohemian  crowds.  He  served  on  the  board 
of  the  Mercantile  Library.  He  was  soon  successful  enough 
financially  to  bring  his  brother  George  and  his  brother  Tom  to 
California  to  tend  shop  for  him  while  he  himself  traveled 
throughout  the  state  in  order  to  contact  "gentlemen  furnishing 
libraries"  in  this  culture-hungry  period  of  California's 
development.  On  these  sightseeing  jaunts,  Muybridge  developed 
his  acquaintance  with  the  varied  resources  and  natural  beauties 




r^r  Illustrations  or  TKJE  4 


"'-Vimq    STU0|0' 

Muybridge,  "Helios's"  Flying  Studio  in  San  Francisco     1868 
B&R  340;  stereo,  3V4  x  3  in.  Bancroft  Library 

Muybridge,  "Helios's"  Flying  Studio  in  Yosemite     1867 
B&R  114;  stereo,  3V4  x  3  in.  Bancroft  Library 

of  California  and  the  West  Coast  which  he  was  subsequently  to 
make  known  to  the  world  through  the  medium  of  photography. 

In  the  summer  of  1860,  Muybridge  returned  to  England  to 
prepare  himself  for  a  serious  second  professional  career  as  a 
photographer.  Traveling  by  the  Butterfield  Overland  Mail  route 
through  Texas  to  Missouri,  he  suffered  severe  injury  when  the 
stagecoach  was  overturned  and  wrecked.  American  medical 
treatment  proved  unsatisfactory;  he  traveled  on  to  England, 
where  he  put  himself  under  the  extended  care  of  one  of  the 
greatest  physicians  of  the  day,  Sir  William  Gull.  Gull's 
predilection  for  "natural  therapy"  encouraged  Muybridge  to 
plan  only  an  outdoor  career  for  himself.  The  public's  passion  for 
collecting  stereoscopic  views  illustrating  remote  and  exotic  parts 
of  the  world  suggested  a  lucrative  field  to  him.  He  returned  to 
California  with  new  photographic  skills,  a  new  sense  of  energy 
and  purpose,  and  a  new  dream  of  photographing  the  Far  West 
for  the  world  to  see. 

The  San  Francisco  to  which  Eadweard  Muybridge  returned 
in  the  mid-1860s,  as  Clarence  King  described  it,  ".  .  .  stood  on 
the  threshold  of  greatness."  Ambitions  were  growing  more 
refined.  The  completion  of  the  transcontinental  railroad, 
achieved  in  1869,  was  about  to  make  the  old  sea  and  land 
routes  to  the  Gold  Coast  obsolete.  Eadweard  Muybridge 
plunged  immediately  into  the  five  years  of  strenuous  and 
productive  photography  during  which  he  produced  some 
two-thousand  photographs  that  systematically  portrayed  the  Far 
West.  The  photographs  fall  into  a  number  of  "series," 
identifiable  today  in  the  Bradley  &  Rulofson  Catalogue  of 
Photographic  Views  Illustrating  the  Yosemite,  Mammoth 
Trees,  Geyser  Springs,  and  other  remarkable  and  Interesting 
Scenery  of  the  Far  West,  by  Muybridge,  a  summary  of  all  of  his 
"outdoor"     work     done     to     1873.  2  This    included    San 

Francisco  views,  Yosemite  and  Calaveras  views,  Vancouver 
Island  and  Alaska  views,  Lighthouses  of  the  Pacific  Coast, 
Farallone  Island  views,  Railroads,  (Central  Pacific,  Union  Pacific 
and  California  Pacific),  Geyser  Springs,  Woodward's  Gardens  (in 
San  Francisco),  and  Scenery  of  the  Yosemite  Valley  and  the 
Mariposa  Grove.  Until  1872,  these  photographs  were  signed 
with  the  pseudonym  "Helios";  after  that,  Muybridge  used  his 
own  name. 


North  Point  Dock       c.1868 
B&R  301 ;  stereo,  3V4  x  3  in. 
(Muybridge  is  seated  on  the  dock) 
Bancroft  Library 

Through  his  photographs  Muybridge  achieved  considerable 
fame  and  fortune.  They  were  internationally  distributed  and  did 
much  to  make  the  West  Coast  known  abroad.  Muybridge's  great 


photographic  cataloguing  of  the  West  is  being  rediscovered 
today.  There  is  something  so  forceful,  so  intensive  and  so 
athletic  in  his  coverage  that  it  is  difficult  to  comprehend  it  as 
the  work  of  one  man.  In  its  day  Muybridge's  landscape 
photography  was  accorded  professional  recognition  for  its 
excellence,  and  Helen  Hunt  Jackson  called  Muybridge  not  only 
a  photographer,  but  an  artist.  "I  am  not  sure,  after  all,"  she 
wrote,  "that  there  is  anything  so  good  to  do  in  San  Francisco 
as  to  spend  a  forenoon  in  Mr.  Muybridge's  little  upper  chamber, 
looking  over  those  marvellous  pictures." 

1872-1877:  Early  Experiments  in  California 

In  the  spring  of  1872,  according  to  Muybridge,  an  unexpected 
summons  from  Leland  Stanford,  former  governor  of  the  State  of 
California  and  powerful  president  of  the  Central  Pacific  Railroad 
Company,  suddenly  gave  another  direction  to  the  course  of 
Muybridge's  professional  life.  In  brief,  Stanford  telegraphed 
Muybridge  from  his  residence  in  Sacramento,  requesting  that  he 
secure  photographic  evidence  for  him  that  a  horse  trotting  at  top 
speed  has  all  four  feet  off  the  ground  at  one  point  in  his  stride. 

Although  subsequent  events  and  misunderstandings  have 
tended  to  cloud  the  exact  nature  of  the  Stanford/Muybridge 
collaboration,  Muybridge  himself  recorded,  during  the  Stanford 
years,  that  he  was  "perfectly  amazed  at  the  boldness  and 
originality  of  the  proposition,"  and  wondered  at  first  whether  it 
could  be  accomplished.4  He  accepted  the  commission,  however, 
and  in  May  of  1872  made  several  negatives  of  Stanford's  fast 
horse  Occident  at  the  Union  Park  Race  Course  in  Sacramento. 
Occident  was  "trotting,  laterally,  in  front  of  his  camera,  at  rates 
of  speed  varying  from  two  minutes  and  twenty-five  seconds  to 
two  minutes  and  eighteen  seconds  per  mile."  5  Muybridge  then 
returned  to  the  Yosemite  Valley,  where  he  was  making  the 
wet-plate  glass  negatives,  in  sizes  ranging  from  20  x  24  inches  to 
stereos,  that  he  printed  for  publication  by  Bradley  &  Rulofson 
in  1873. 

The  photographs  of  Occident  made  at  this  time  were  not 
intended  for  commercial  distribution  and  have  not,  to  date, 
been  located.  Nor  have  been  the  photographs  made  in  April, 
1873,  when  Muybridge  returned  to  Sacramento  for  a  second 
try,  although  the  Alta  California  referred  to  them  as  "a  great 
triumph  as  a  curiosity  in  photography — a  horse's  picture  taken 

Muybridge,  advertising  card 
Pacific  Rolling  Mills 
stereo,  3V4  x  3  in. 
Bancroft  Library 



Muybridge,  stereo  views 

Bancroft  Library 


Indian  Pow-Wow  House,  Nanaimo   B&R  508,  c.  1868 

Chinese  Joss  House,  Astrological  Priest   B&R  845,  c.  1870 

California  Standard  Sack  Co. 

View  in  Woodward's  Gardens   B&R  555,  c.  1869 

At  the  Velocipe  Training  School    B&R  444,  c.  1868 

Classroom,  San  Vincent's  Orphan  Asylum,   c.  1874 


jpjfM          ,^9 

tH  HI  li   i 



^Sj—kC=ir} .  4Byi  ^2l  ^Sp 



Studies  of  Clouds      c.  1869 

B&R  535,  541,  537,  536,  544,  548 

stereos,  3  x  3V4  in. 

Bancroft  Library 


Studies  of  Trees      c.  1869 
B&R  518-19,  521,  523-24 
stereos,  3  x  3 'A  in. 
Bancroft  Library 


while  going  thirty-eight  feet  in  a  second!"  6  Muybridge  always 
claimed  that  the  photographs  resulting  from  these  experiments 
"were  sufficiently  sharp  to  give  a  recognizable  silhouette 
portrait  of  the  driver,  and  some  of  them  exhibited  the  horse 
with  all  four  of  his  feet  clearly  lifted,  at  the  same  time,  above 
the  surface  of  the  ground."  Although  Muybridge  never  claimed 
more  quality  for  either  the  1872  or  1873  pictures  than  to  say 
they  were  "photographic  impressions,"  Stanford  found  them 
entirely  satisfactory  for  his  immediate  purpose.  Because  the 
original  photographs  were  never  circulated,  photographic 
historians  have  found  it  easy  to  assert  that  they  were 
"inconclusive"  and  mere  silhouettes." 

It  is  likely  that  the  Currier  &  Ives  print,  The  California 
Wonder  OCCIDENT,  owned  by  Gov.  L.  Stanford,  entered  for 
copyright  in  1873,  was  intended  to  make  both  the  photographs 
and  the  results  of  the  experiments  visual.  As  translated  to  the 
lithographic  stone  by  the  equestrian  artist,  J.  Cameron, 
Occident  displays  himself  in  harness,  at  the  private  trial  of 
speed,  with  all  four  feet  free  of  the  ground. 

Further  experiments  in  the  photography  of  rapid  motion 
under  Stanford's  aegis  were  unfortunately  suspended  during  the 
years  1874  to  1876  because  of  the  unhappy  turn  of  events  in 
Muybridge's  private  life.  His  young  wife,  Flora,  became 
infatuated  with  the  soldier  of  fortune  Major  Henry  Larkyns,  a 
dashing  and  mysterious  figure  who  for  a  few  brief  months 
enlivened  San  Francisco's  Bohemian  society.  After  warning 
Larkyns  away  from  his  wife,  Muybridge  told  Larkyns  that  he 
would  not  hesitate  to  destroy  him  if  it  were  necessary  to  do  so. 
Some  months  later  Flora  bore  a  son.  Inadvertantly,  Muybridge 
learned  that  the  love  affair  between  Larkyns  and  Flora  had 
continued,  so  that  the  child  might  well  be  Larkyns's  rather  than 
his  own.  With  a  shockingly  cool  sense  of  justice,  Muybridge 
then  sought  out  Harry  Larkyns  on  17  October  1874  and 
deliberately  shot  him.  [See  Documents,  B].  The  trial  that 
ensued  was  one  of  the  most  dramatic  that  the  state  had  ever 
seen.  No  doubt  Leland  Stanford  stood  behind  Muybridge 
throughout  the  case,  for  Stanford's  great  friend,  Wirt  W. 
Pendegast,  served  as  lawyer  for  the  defense  and  won  an 
acquittal  on  the  ground  of  justifiable  homicide.7  Following  the 
trial,  a  way  was  found  for  Muybridge  to  leave  the  country  until 
the  unpleasantness  had  blown  over.  He  traveled  to  Central 
America,  arriving  at  Panama  by  Pacific  Mail  steamer  in  March, 
1875.  During  his  stay  there,  Flora  Shallcross  Stone  Muybridge 

The  year  before  the  murder,  Muybridge  had  completed  his 
documentation  of  the  Modoc  War;  during  his  stay  in  Central 
America  he  produced  a  series  of  Central  America  and  Isthmus 
of  Panama  views;  and  upon  his  return  he  executed  the  various 
panoramas  of  San  Francisco  "from  the  California  Street  Hill" 
that  remain  among  the  real  wonders  of  West  Coast 
photography.  During  Muybridge's  long  periods  on  shipboard,  he 
had  experimented  with  new  chemicals  and  a  new  shutter 
intended  for  the  instantaneous  photography  of  motion. 8  Thus, 
despite  the  tragic  character  of  this  period  of  his  life,  Muybridge 
was  professionally  very  productive. 

By  1876  Muybridge  claimed  to  be  prepared  to  take 
photographs  at  1/1000  of  a  second.  Experiments  for  Stanford 
were,  as  Muybridge  later  said,  "desultorily  continued."  It  is 
probable  that  a  Muybridge  photograph  of  1876  (as  yet 
undiscovered)  also  supplied  the  image  for  another  lithograph  of 
Currier  &  Ives:  Occident/ (Formerly  'Wonder')  brown  gelding, 
by  pacing  stallion  St.  Clair,  dam 's  pedigree  unknown.  Owned  by 
Ex-Gov.  Leland  Stanford  of  California/Record  2:16  3/4,  Sept. 
17th,  1876/Thos.  Worth  on  stone. 

The  last  of  the  Sacramento  photographs  was  taken  in  July, 
1877.  The  now  world-famous  Occident  was  again  the  subject.  A 
picture  was  circulated  among  newsmen  in  August  and  created  a 
proper  furore.  Muybridge  described  it  as  a  photograph  of 
Occident  made  while  "trotting  past  me  at  the  rate  of  2:27, 
accurately  timed,  or  36  feet  in  a  second,  about  40  feet  distant, 
the  exposure  of  the  negative  being  less  than  the  one-thousandth 
part  of  a  second.  The  length  of  exposure  can  be  pretty 
accurately  determined  by  the  fact  that  the  whip  in  the  driver's 
hand  did  not  move  the  distance  of  its  diameter.  The  picture  has 
been  retouched,  as  is  customary  at  this  time  with  all  first  class 
photographic  work,  for  the  purpose  of  giving  a  better  effect  to 
the  details.  In  every  other  respect,  the  photograph  is  exactly  as 
it  was  made  in  the  camera." 

McCrellish,  editor  of  the  Alta,  called  the  picture  "a  novelty 
in  photographic  art,  and  a  delineation  of  speed  which  the  eye 
cannot  catch  "10  Resources  of  California  reported,    "Progress  in 

Photography an    Astonishing    Result."    The    San    Francisco 

Bulletin  called  the  picture,  "A  Triumph  of  Photographic  Art." 
Only  the  Post  took  a  dim  view  of  the  matter,  questioning  the 
attitudes  of  the  horse  and  the  driver:  "Either  the  camera  did 
lie,"  the  writer  asserted,  "or  Stanford  has  got  the  most 
extraordinary  horse  in  the  world."11  Again,  the  photograph  was 


not  distributed  commercially,  but  the  curious  who  went  to 
Muybridge's  studio  were  shown  the  negative  along  with  a  sworn 
statement  by  the  driver,  Mr.  Tennant,  as  to  the  speed  the  horse 
had  been  traveling.  Prints  purporting  to  be  from  the  negative 
were  copyrighted  by  Muybridge  in  1877  and  distributed  as 
"Occident  Photographed  at  Full  Speed,"  an  "Automatic- 

Fortunately  (or  unfortunately),  the  Stanford  Museum  still 
possesses  an  almost  totally  hand-painted  picture  by  the  artist 
John  Koch,  the  high-paid  retoucher  for  Morse,  who  was  then 
Muybridge's  publisher.  It  is  this  painting  that  was  apparently 
photographed  by  Muybridge  and  published  as  "Occident 
Photographed  at  Full  Speed."  Only  the  face  of  the  driver  is  a 
photographic  print;  it  is  carefully  cut  and  pasted  to  the  surface 
of  the  canvas.  X-ray  and  infra-red  examination  of  the  picture 
show  no  photographic  base  for  the  rest.12  One  is  inclined  to 
believe  that  Muybridge  has  been  caught  out  in  a  gigantic  hoax 
until  one  realizes  that  neither  Stanford  nor  Muybridge  was 
primarily  concerned  with  either  the  quality  or  the  distribution 
of  the  Muybridge  photographs  at  the  time.  It  was  only  required 
that  they  serve  as  incontrovertible  data  for  building  a  general 
theory  of  locomotion  on  which  Stanford  could  base  a  scientific 
theory  of  animal  training.  Once  the  equine  image  was  arrested 
by  instantaneous  photography,  the  proof  was  in.  Presentation 
of  the  data  was  entrusted  to  the  more  familiar  graphic 
media — the    drawing,    the    lithograph,    the    woodcut    or    the 

painting as     being    more    capable    than    the    print    of    an 

instantaneous  photograph  of  rendering  details.  An  outline 
drawing  on  canvas  of  Abe  Edgington,  another  of  Stanford's 
horses,  exists  in  the  Museum;  it  is  an  exact  preliminary  sketch 
for  a  subsequent  painting,  also  there.13  This  suggests  that  the 
images  might  have  been  traced  onto  the  canvas  by  an  artist 
working  from  lantern-slide  projections  of  Muybridge 
photographs.  These  drawings  could  then  have  been  submitted  to 
Stanford  for  approval  of  the  image  before  the  final  painting  was 
undertaken.  One  is  inclined  to  forget  that  reproductive  printing 
processes  in  the  1870s  were  highly  limited,  and  that  great 
latitude  was  given  to  the  artist  to  make  up  for  this. 
"Retouching"  photographs  was  thought  of  not  only  as  a 
positive  way  to  improve  over  the  "accidents"  of  the  camera, 
but  also  as  an  elegant  embellishment,  an  artistic  additive  to 
photography.  "Composite"  photography,  "moonlight"  effects, 
"cloud"  effects  and  manipulative  studio  tricks  of  all  kinds  were 
in  common  use,  and  were  certainly  practiced  by  Muybridge,  as 
we  can  see  in  some  of  his  more  dramatic  landscape  work. 

Currier  &  Ives,  Occident     1873 

color  lithograph,  composition,  7%  x  14%  in. 

Currier  &  Ives,   Occident        1876 

color  lithograph,  composition,  I6V2  x  25  in. 


a«  sUHiou  Si  1  I. iir   ■ s   pnli< 


Thomas  Hill  (1829-1908) 

Palo  Alto  Spring   1878;  oil  on  canvas,  86%  x  138  in. 

Stanford  University  Museum  of  Art,  Stanford  Collection 

But  of  far  more  moment  is  the  fact  that,  whatever  others 
thought  of  the  Muybridge/Koch  picture,  Stanford  himself  was 
satisfied  with  it.  Again,  it  served  his  immediate  purpose  and 
suggested  other  possibilities.  In  fact,  we  learn  in  1877  that  the 
Stanford/Muyb ridge  experiments  are  to  be  further  extended: 
"Mr.  Muybridge  intends  to  take  a  series  of  pictures,  showing 
the  step  of  "Occident"  at  all  the  stages,  and  in  this  manner,  for 
the  first  time,  the  precise  differences  in  the  motions  of 
different  horses  can  be  clearly  represented  ...  a  matter  of 
much  interest  to  horsemen,  for  trotters  vary  in  their  action,  one 
having  his  fore-leg  straight  when  it  touches  the  ground,  another 
crooked,  and  so  on."  14 

1878-1879:  Analysis  and  Synthesis 

By  1878,  the  Leland  Stanford  family  had  lived  in  their  Nob 
Hill  mansion  in  San  Francisco  for  at  least  a  year,  but  much  of 
their  time  was  spent  at  their  country  estate,  Palo  Alto,  where 
Stanford  was  developing  his  world-famous  stock  farm.  It  was 
here,  then,  in  the  farmland  thirty-five  miles  south  of  the  city, 
that  Stanford  and  Muybridge  projected  a  new  full-scale 
photographic  study  of  the  horse  in  motion.  The  method 
adopted  for  the  serial  photographs  at  the  Palo  Alto  Farm  was  a 
practical  elaboration  of  Rejlander's  scheme  of  1872/3,  which 
envisioned  the  use  of  a  battery  of  cameras  to  illustrate  the 
varied  positions  of  the  animal's  feet  in  a  sequential  series  of 
photographs.15  Twelve  Scoville  cameras  had  been  ordered  from 
New  York,  and  stereoscopic  lenses  for  them  were  ordered  from 
Dallmeyer  of  London.  [Muybridge's  "testimonials"  to  the 
quality  of  this  equipment  are  given  in  Documents,  A.] 

Muybridge  then  prepared  a  "crude  model"  of  his  scheme  for 
photographing  objects  in  motion  and  took  it,  at  Stanford's 
suggestion,  to  the  chief  engineer  of  the  Central  Pacific  Railroad 
Company,  Mr.  S.  Montague,  for  help  in  converting  the  idea  into 
a  workable  mechanism.  Mr.  Montague  then  called  in  Mr.  Arthur 
Brown,  who  "had  in  his  immediate  supply  skilled  mechanics 
and  artisans  of  various  kinds"  at  the  car  shops  in  Oakland, 
requesting  him  to  take  charge  of  the  matter  in  accordance  with 
Mr.  Stanford's  desires.  Mr.  Brown  proposed  to  build  the 
required  fast  shutter  mechanism  with  "some  mechanical 
contrivance  to  work  automatically,  as  the  horse  passes  along,by 
levers  or  some  means  to  set  them  off  as  it  went  along."  Mr. 
Brown  then  called  in  his  assistant,  Mr.  John  Isaacs,  who 
proposed  electricity  and  "took  an  active  part  in  getting  up  this 

Topographical  map  showing  Stanford's  Stock  Farm     1886 

(the  lower  right  corner  of  the  detail  is  approximate  north) 

From  a  survey  map  prepared  for  Frederick  Law  Olmsted, 

whose  drawing  for  the  campus  of  the  proposed  university 

is  seen  in  the  lower  left 

Stanford  University  Museum  of  Art 

Gift  of  the  Committee  for  Art  at  Stanford 


new  apparatus."  Isaacs  made  the  working  drawings,  but  the 
practical  electrical  work,  which  was  adapted  to  Muybridge's 
crude  model  and  built  into  the  final  working  model,  was  done 
by  Mr.  Paul  Seiler  of  the  California  Electric  Works  in  San 
Francisco.  Mr.  Tiffany,  of  the  San  Francisco  Telegraph  Supply 
Company,  supplied  the  electromagnets.  Thus,  in  a  manner 
comparable  to  scientific  experimentation  today,  Muybridge's 
idea  was  worked  out  on  a  practical  level  through  the  cooperation 
of  a  group  of  specialists.  Muybridge  originated  the  idea,  and 
Isaacs  suggested  the  application  of  electricity  to  carry  it  out. 16 

By  June  the  "motion-picture  studio,"  constructed  along  the 
south  side  of  the  Palo  Alto  Farm's  one-mile  training  track,  was 
in  full  swing.  In  order  to  forestall  the  charge  that  the  new 
pictures  were  in  any  way  "got  up,"  several  groups  of  interested 
sportsmen  and  news  reporters  were  invited,  from  time  to  time, 
to  view  the  proceedings.  What  they  saw,  on  15  June  1878,  the 
day  of  the  initial  demonstration,  was  a  series  of  twelve 
photographs  that  were  taken  in  less  than  half  a  second  while 
Stanford's  horse  Abe  Edgington  was  traveling  in  front  of  the 
cameras  at  forty  feet  a  second.  The  animal  was  photographed 
against  a  wooden  backdrop  fifteen  feet  high  and  somewhat 
wider  than  the  studio's  length.  This  was  marked  off,  as 
Muybridge  wrote,  "by  vertical  lines  into  spaces  of  twenty-one 

inches,  each  space  being  consecutively  numbered"  for  the 
purpose  of  later  analyzing  the  photographs  and  placing  them  in 
series.  Muybridge  prepared  and  developed  his  plates  on  the 
spot,  and  only  a  few  minutes  elapsed  between  each  "take"  and 
the  exhibition  of  his  negatives.  Visitors  were  fascinated  by  the 
ingenuity  of  the  electrical  mechanism  whereby  the  camera 
shutters  were  released.  In  photographing  the  running  horse, 
threads  were  stretched  across  the  track  and  connected  so  that 
armatures  would  release  the  shutters  when  each  thread  was 
broken  as  the  horse  went  by.  In  photographing  the  trotting 
horse,  the  wheels  of  the  sulky  traveled  over  wires  laid  across 
the  track  to  break  the  contact.  This  was  the  mechanism  which 
was  suggested  by  Isaacs.17 

In  June,  1878,  Muybridge  filed  application  for  letters  patent 
on  a  "Method  and  Apparatus  for  Photographing  Objects  in 
Motion";  and  in  July  for  letters  patent  on  an  "Improvement  in 
the  Method  and  Apparatus  for  Photographing  Objects  in 
Motion."  The  patents,  No.  212864  and  No.  212865,  were 
granted  to  Muybridge  on  4  March  1879,  apparently  with  the 
full  knowledge  and  approval  of  Leland  Stanford.  [See 
Documents,  A,  for  diagrams  that  accompanied  the  patents.] 

During  the  summer  and  fall  of  1878,  the  principal  equine 

Camera  and  back  of  an  electro-shutter     1878 
Photograph  B,  Attitudes  of  Animals  in  Motion,    1881 
Stanford  University  Museum  of  Art 

Front  of  electro-shutters,  with  positions 

of  panels  before,  during  and  after  exposure  1878 

Photograph  C,  Attitudes  of  Animals  in  Motion,    1881 


Muy bridge,   The  Palo  Alto  Stock  Farm       c.  1880 
Photograph  A,   The  Attitudes  of  Animals  in  Motion,    1881 

^?SL   -^t^  "^—Ez 

"2^  3& 

Tbs  Gallop,  from  "Tegetmeier  on  the  P»ce»  of  the  Ho 

stars  photographed  were  Stanford's  Occident,  Sallie  Gardner, 
Mahomet  and  Abe  Edgington.  Six  photographic  cards 
illustrating  these  animals  (in  either  six,  eight  or  twelve 
positions)  were  copyrighted  and  published  by  Muybridge  in 
1878  as  The  Horse  in  Motion.  They  achieved  world-wide 
distribution  and  world-wide  fame.  Popular  consensus  was  that 
the  method  now  employed  by  Muybridge  "precluded  all 
suspicion  of  mistakes,  and  ensured  accuracy  which  could  not  be 
questioned."  Popular  fancy  was  caught  by  "something  so 
complicated  yet  so  simple  and  wonderful  in  the  plan  by  which 
the  horse  took  his  own  picture!"18 

During  the  year  1879,  Muybridge  increased  to  twenty-four 
(with  Stanford's  full  support)  the  number  of  cameras  in  the 
studio.  Other  horses  which  were  then  photographed  were 
Nelson,  Clyde,  Dandee,  Sharon,  Gypsy  (Leland  Stanford  Jr.'s 
pony),  Albany,  Nimrod,  Oakland  Maid,  Eros,  Mohawk,  Elaine, 
Clay,  Hattie,  Florence,  Phryne,  Frankie,  Maggie,  Gilberta, 
Vaquero,  Riata,  Electioneer  and  Lancaster.  In  addition,  studies 
were  made  of  the  locomotion  of  the  ox,  dog,  bull,  cow,  deer, 
goat  and  boar.  In  summary,  animals  were  represented  in  the 
actions  of  walking,  ambling,  cantering,  pacing,  trotting,  running, 
leaping,  standing  and  hauling,  and  the  result  was  a  utilitarian 
compendium  of  analytical,  sequential  photographs  directly 
fulfilling  Stanford's  request  for  new  data  on  the  nature  of 
animal  locomotion. 

In  August,  1879,  several  athletes  from  the  Olympic  Club  in 
San  Francisco  came  to  Menlo  Park  at  Stanford's  invitation  and 
were  photographed  by  Muybridge  fencing,  jumping,  tumbling 
and  in  "various  classical  groupings."  By  the  end  of  1879, 
Muybridge  had  taken  literally  hundreds  of  instantaneous 
pictures  for  Stanford,  and  Stanford  had  spent  around  $50,000  on 
the  project.  But  he  was  not  yet  finished. 

On  18  December  1878,  Professor  Etienne-Jules  Marey  of  the 
College  de  France,  author  of  La  Machine  Animale,  1873 
(translated  and  published  in  English  under  the  title  Animal 
Mechanism,  1874),  which  had  spurred  Stanford  on  to  undertake 
advanced  photographic  projects  with  Muybridge  at  the  Palo 
Alto  Farm,  sent  a  message  to  Muybridge.  19He  begged 
Muybridge's  help  in  solving  certain  problems  concerning  the 
flight  of  birds  on  which  he  was  working.  He  also  suggested  that 
Muybridge  might  utilize  his  photographs  for  the  preparation  of 
zoetropes:  "It  would  be  animated  zoology.  So  far  as  artists  are 
concerned,  it  would  create  a  revolution."  [For  a  discussion  of 
the  exchange  of  information  between  Marey  and  Muybridge,  see 
"Marey,  Muybridge  and  Meissonier".  For  the  text  of  the  letter, 
see  Documents,  C] 

Marey  was  only  one  of  the  many  who  had  seen  in  the 
sequential  photographs  of  Muybridge  the  possibilitity  of  their 
use  in  the  zoetrope,  the  "philosophical  toy"  that  adapted  a 
sequence  of  drawings  to  a  paper  band  which  was  placed  in  a 
rotating  drum  for  viewing.  When  the  drum  was  whirled,  the 
drawings,  seen  through  slits  in  its  upper  edge,  gave  the  illusion 
of  continuous,  lifelike  motion.  By  January,  1879,  Emile 
Duhousset  wrote  from  Paris  that  he  had  adapted  the  Muybridge 
photographs  in  an  old  phenakistoscope  to  good  effect.  The 
journal  L'lllustration,  in  which  Duhousset's  article  was 
published,  was  soon  offering  bands  for  the  zoetrope  of 
silhouettes  made  from  the  Muybridge  photographs,  for  10 
francs.  In  June,  W.B.  Tegetmeier  of  London  wrote  in  The  Field 
that  he  had  mounted  the  Muybridge  pictures  in  a  zoetrope  with 
satisfactory  effect.  Somewhat  later,  he  offered  bands  for  the 
praxinoscope  for  sale  under  his  own  copyright.  In  July,  Fairman 
Rogers,  of  Philadelphia,  writing  in  The  Art  Interchange,  stated 
that  the  painter  Thomas  Eakins  "had  plotted  ...  the  successive 
positions  of  the  photographs  and  constructed,  most  ingeniously, 


^^i*       *s^fr      ~^&         n&         Tit** 

_^5__  *^5&     *?2_     ^-^r     *^y 

by  the  Author  for  the  Praiinoacope,      All  rights  reserved. 

-  . 

the  trajectories"   which   were  then  adapted   to  bands  for  the 
zoetrope.  20 

1879:  The  Zoopraxiscope 

We  learn  from  Fairman  Rogers's  communication  that  Stanford 
and  Muybridge  had  utilized  the  zoetrope  for  the  same  purpose 
early  in  1879.  Stanford  had  become  interested  in  recreating  the 
illusion  of  movement  for  others  when  he  riffled  through  a  stack 
of  the  Muybridge  motion  photographs  and  discovered  the 
stroboscopic  effect  for  himself.  At  this  time,  Leland  Stanford, 
Jr.,  had  an  array  of  optical  toys  of  different  kinds,  many  of 
which   are  still   in   existence,   which   could  have  suggested  the 

next     steps a         magic     lantern,     a     stereoscope,     several 

chromotropes,  a  phenakistoscope  and  a  zoetrope.  Muybridge, 
again  working  at  Stanford's  suggestion  and  with  his  blessing, 
now  developed  his  first  viewer,  a  stereoscopic  zoetrope  based 
on  the  Wheatstone  principle,  which  he  claimed  to  have  adapted 
from  a  model  found  in  J.H.  Pepper's  Boy's  Play  book  of  Science, 
published  in  London  in  1854.  This  instrument  has  vanished 
without  a  trace,  but  it  was  soon  succeeded  by  an  ingenious 
second  instrument,  which  Muybridge  first  called  the 
zoogyroscope,  later,  the  zoopraxiscope,  on  which  his  fame  as  an 
early  exhibitor  of  motion  pictures  came  to  rest. 

The  zoopraxiscope  combined  a  projecting  lantern,  rotating 
glass  disks  on  which  a  limited  number  of  hand-painted 
silhouettes  (or,  later,  colored  images),  adapted  from 
Muybridge's  sequential  photographs,  were  drawn,  and  a 
counter-rotating,  slotted  disk,  geared  to  operate  at  equal  speed, 
which  acted  as  a  kind  of  shuttei  and  gave  the  effect  of 
intermittent  movement,  as  in  the  phenakistoscope. 

Send  Stamp  for  136  Page  Catalogue  of  Magic  Lanterns 
and  Views. 

r.  u  McAllister,  upticlax,  ua  Nassau  street,  -v.  y. 







if  Scientific  To\ .  illuttraring 

hi  of  the  eye  ;  it"  consists  of  a 

p.  with  13  equidistant  narrow 

in  tneeng-aving      The  lower 

]  on  efrip»  of  paver,  ahum  8W 

i<    .  in  different  positions-,  \Wtkh 

....    hand,  and  looking  through  the 

blended,  so  lis  iocmc  (he  Atnires  ihe 

land  around  the  Zoetrope 


:  Basc-bnil  Player,  Chewing  Gum.  Dolphin 

ne,  Jig  Duucl'i,  Johnny  Jumper,  Keep  the 
P,  Old  Do:-  Tray,  Haloing  Pitchfork*. 

ADDITIONAL  PICTURES,  GO  rettttt  per  Series. 

SERIES  No.  3-J-Wood  Chopper.  Perpetual  Motion,  Ring*  and  Ball".  Village  Black- 

-milli,  liadgend  Cut,  Hurdle  Rao  ,  '-•  in  Ho--,  IW  hi-  Head  off.  Lively  Arab,  Maternal  Affection, 
Capeie,  Barrel  Trick. 

SKRXHS  K«,    4.— Leap   Frog.   Steam   Engine,  Evil  One,  Waltzing,  Japanese  Tumblers. 

Parrel   Turner-    W I  Snuv.-r-,  Beau  I  v  und   Ihe    B<  u-t    Snap   P.ubbU»,  Edui  at.'d   Donkey,  Town 

Pump,  Hubby  Hor-.-. 

SERIES  No.  5.— Travel  hv  Telegraph.  Paw  him  round,  Man  of  tbe  Moon,  Indian  Jug- 
gler Unnn  Wr.ik  Wind  Mill.  Traii.-ze,  Mechanical  i~  it,  Mis  Partington  and  Dog,  The 
Medley,  John  Chiuuuian,  MiKin-iruck,  IKS  N...  0— Meet  me  hv  Moot.ligld.  Noble  Art,  Old  Mill,  Plane  Ca-e, 
Siit.'li  in  Time  Wnm-  Room.  Monkey  in  the  Bund.  I Quixote,  [latched  Matched  and  Dis- 
patched, nope  Jumper,  Wliar  you  gwflll 

SERIES  No.  7.— Rocking  Horse  Now  you  Pee  me,  Bottle  Imp.  Footsteps  beneath  me, 
Sucli  ii  (.'i-i i iii^  up-i|nir-,  Feeding  the  Che  ken-,  S«  iii^iii_-  around  the  Circle,  The  Little  Jumper, 
See-caw,  Lous,-  Brunch  Cannibal,  Coffee  Grinder,  No  you  don't. 












Prof.  Muybridge's  Pictures  for  the  Zoetrope. 

*1.00    per    Series    of  112    Pictures. 

Iniost  every  one  ha*  r  :ard  of  the  startling  instantaneous  Photographs  made  by  Prof.  Mtrr- 
k  of  San  Francisco,  showing  the 


■niprmilivcly  few  have  had  an  opportunity  of  -eelng  ihe  wonderful  resnlts  of  hie  labor*. 
,ir  tin-  pinpo-e  nf  enabling  e\erv  one  to  pariii -ipnie  in  these  marvelous  revelations  of  ihe 
a,  Mr    Mi  TBHim.K   has-    reproduced,  bv    photo-HthogTAphy,  a  "scries  of   12  subject*,  Ulna- 
l' the  nriLon  .if  ihe  n-.r-e  dining  a  walk,  an  amble,  i  slow  trot,  a  fast  trot,  a  rack  or  pace, 
'  \  leap  over  a  hurdle ,  a  Hound    running,  an  Ox  trotting,  a  Doer  bounding. 
:omprUing    in  all  15(1  figure-,     These  arc  Photo-Hthograohed  on  t trips  of 
s  wide,  3ti  inches  long,  and  show  the  continuous  movement  of  the  subject 
with  life-like  accuracy      The  illo-lon  Is  perfect  when  placed  in  the  Zoetrope  or  "  Wheel  of  Life." 
and  there  is  the  exact  appearance  of  various  motions,  such  as  running,  trotting, leaping  bardies,  etc 




•end  Stamp  for  Illustrated  Price  List  of  Microscopes, 
Telescopes,  Lenses,  Etc. 


[Aran  1,  1882. 

{By  Our  Own  Zoopraxitcopist.) 

The  zoopraxiscope  made  its  official  debut  at  the  Stanfords' 
Palo  Alto  residence  during  a  private  party  in  the  fall  of  1879.21 
According  to  Muybridge,  the  images  it  projected  were  accurate 
enough  for  Stanford  to  identify  each  horse  photographed  from 
the  rhythm  of  the  gait.  [See  Documents,  E.]  Public  showings 
throughout  the  next  years  justified  the  Alta's  statement:  "Mr. 
Muybridge  has  laid  the  foundation  of  a  new  method  of 
entertaining  the  people,  and  we  predict  that  his  instantaneous, 
photographic,  magic-lantern  zoetrope  will  make  the  rounds  of 
the  civilized  world."  22  Today  one  may  still  see  Muybridge's 
improved  zoopraxiscope  in  Kingston-upon-Thames,  Muybridge's 
birthplace.  It  stands  in  lonely  splendor,  somber  and  regal,  in  its 
glass  case  at  the  Borough  Library.  Of  it,  the  British  film 
historian  Will  Day  once  said,  "One  looks  upon  it  with 
reverential  awe!" 

Muybridge  was  apparently  not  able  to  patent  the 
zoopraxiscope  either  in  America,  France  or  England.  Thus  he 
was  careful  not  to  claim  to  be  its  inventor.  He  did  claim  it  to 
be  the  prototype  for  "synthetically  demonstrating  movement 
analytically  photographed  from  life."  Certainly,  it  remained 
the  only  commercially  demonstrated  motion-picture  projector 
in  America  for  over  a  decade,  or  until  Thomas  Edison  exhibited 
his  projecting  apparatus,  the  Vitascope,  in  1895. 

1880—1882:  Fame  Abroad  and  its  Consequences 

Stanford  had  two  further  projects  in  mind  in  1880.  The  first 
was  to  sponsor  the  preparation  of  a  substantial  book  on  animal 
locomotion  based  on  the  data  of  Muybridge's  photographs.  The 

second  was  to  sponsor  exhibitions  "before  scientific  bodies  of 
the  East,  England  and  Europe"  utilizing  the  Muybridge 
photographs  and  zoopraxiscope.  To  this  end,  Muybridge 
prepared  the  pictures  for  publication,  binding  up  sets  of  original 
prints  into  a  number  of  albums,  which  he  titled  The  Attitudes 
of  Animals  in  Motion,  and  copyrighting  them  under  his  own 
name  in  1881.  Albums  were  presented  to  Leland  Stanford,  and 
some  were  later  offered  for  sale  abroad.  Muybridge  also  worked 
on  his  zoopraxiscope  lectures  in  preparation  for  his  appearances 
before  the  various  "art  and  scientific  societies"  Stanford  would 
select.  Stanford  had  prepared  the  way  for  this  in  1879,  when 
he  visited  Europe  with  his  family  to  commission  family 
portraits  from  the  French  painters  Bonnat  and  Meissonier. 
Meissonier's  interest  in  the  Palo  Alto  experiments  had 
encouraged  Stanford  to  invite  Muybridge  abroad,  and  to  think 
of  bringing  "the  entire  equipment  of  electro-photographic 
apparatus  to  Europe  and  continue  the  experiments  there. 

;,  24 

Eadweard  Muybridge  arrived  in  Paris  in  August,  1881.  On 
September  26th,  Etienne-Jules  Marey  honored  him  at  a 
reception  in  his  home,  where  the  guests  were  both  foreign  and 
French  savants  "whose  names  ranked  high  in  the  sciences."25 
During  the  following  months,  Muybridge  worked  with  Marey  at 
the  "Physiological  Station,"  sharing  information  about  his 
photographic  procedures  and  experimenting  for  the  first  time 
with  the  rapid  gelatine  dry-plate  photography  which  he  was 
then  to  adopt.  On  26  November  1881,  the  art  world  of  Paris 
was  rallied  to  meet  Muybridge,  for  Meissonier  (who  had 
recently  completed  Stanford's  portrait,  into  which  he  had 
painted  the  Muybridge  photographs)  played  host  to 
two-hundred  guests  representing  "the  most  eminent  artists, 
scientists  aid  literati  of  the  day.  .  ." 

2  6 

Stanford's  name  is  nowhere  mentioned  in  the  guest  lists. 
When  the  Stanford  family  left  Paris  for  America  on  the  day  of 
the  Meissonier  reception,  Muybridge  "saw  them  off  on  the  cars," 
and  expressed  the  utmost  concern  over  the  Governor's  poor 
health.  [See  Documents,  F.]  At  first,  Stanford's  name  had  been 
mentioned  regularly  in  the  press  as  the  enlightened  patron  who 
had  made  Muybridge's  work  possible,  but  as  time  went  on, 
Muybridge  himself  became  the  popular  and  dominant  figure, 
and  was  lionized  on  his  own  account.  This  was  particularly  true 
in  England  in  1882,  where  his  lectures  before  the  Royal 
Institution  and  the  Royal  Academy,  and  the  publicity  attending 
them,  made  him  the  most  talked-about  entertainer  on  two 


Stanford's  collaborative  relationship  with  Eadweard 
Muybridge  now  underwent  a  decided  change,  and  a  series  of 
misunderstandings  began  between  the  two  men  which  led  to  an 
unreconcilable  breach  after  almost  a  decade  of  productive  work 

The  Horse  in  Motion,  the  book  in  which  Stanford  expected 
his  findings  on  animal  locomotion  to  be  presented  to  the 
public,  appeared  in  1882,  while  Muybridge  was  lecturing  in 
England.  It  was  a  handsome  and  richly  illustrated  quarto 
volume,  described  on  the  title  page  as  being  by  "J.D.B.  Stillman, 
A.M.,M.D."  Muybridge's  name  did  not  appear  on  the  title  page. 
A  portion  of  Stanford's  Preface  was  intended  "to  show  the 
exact  part  taken  by  each  of  those  concerned  in  the 
investigation."  Here  Muybridge  found  himself  described  as 
having  been  "employed"  by  Leland  Stanford.  Furthermore,  the 
statement  that  he  had  written  on  the  "method  adopted"  for 
the  Palo  Alto  experiments  was  relegated  to  the  Appendix,  and 
was  heavily  edited  by  Stillman.  Still  worse  must  have  been  the 
fact  that  only  five  of  the  over  one-hundred  illustrations  were 
direct  reproductions  of  his  photographs.  The  vast  majority  had 
been  reduced  to  silhouettes  by  pen  and  ink,  then  transferred 
for  printing  to  the  lithographic  stone.28 

The  blow  to  Muybridge's  pride  must  have  been  enormous 
when  he  found  that  Stanford  had  seen  him  as  a  mere  technician 
for  the  project,  and  that  his  personal  contributions  to  The 
Horse  in  Motion  had  consequently  been  distorted.  He  responded 
with  an  open  letter  to  Nature  (London),  in  which  he  sought  to 
put  the  matter  straight  from  his  own  point  of  view:  "I  invented 
the  means  employed,  submitted  the  result  to  Mr.  Stanford,  and 
accomplished  the  work  for  his  private  publication,  without 
remuneration.  I  subsequently  suggested,  invented  and  patented 
the  more  elaborate  system  of  investigation,  Mr.  Stanford  paying 
the  actual  necessary  disbursements,  exclusive  of  the  value  of  my 
time,  or  my  personal  expenses.  I  patented  the  apparatus  and 
copyrighted  the  resulting  photographs  for  my  own  exclusive 
benefit.  Upon  the  completion  of  the  work,  Mr.  Stanford 
presented  me  with  the  apparatus.  Never  having  asked  or  received 
any  payment  for  the  photographs,  other  than  as  mentioned,  I 
accepted  this  as  a  voluntary  gift;  the  apparatus  under  my  patents 
being  worthless  to  anyone  but  myself.  These  are  the  facts;  and  on 
the  basis  of  these  I  am  preparing  to  assert  my  rights."  29 

The   opposite   point   of  view   was  expressed   by  Dr.  J.D.B. 

Stillman  (pioneer  physician  of  California,  and  an  early  friend  of 
Stanford  in  Sacramento),  who  prepared  the  text  for 
publication:  "With  regard  to  the  claims  of  Muybridge  that  the 
illustrations  in  silhouette  are  an  infringement  of  his  copyright.  I 
have  this  to  say  that  I  can  swear  that  they  were  all  taken  at  the 
order  of  Gov.  Stanford  who  paid  all  the  expenses,  furnished  all 
the  apparatus  and  material  and  Muybridge  furnished  me  with  all 
the  copies  from  which  the  plates  were  executed  knowing  that 
they  were  to  be  used  for  the  purpose  to  which  they  were  to  be 
applied.  He  also  furnished  him  with  magic  lanterns  and 
apparatus  which  he  is  now  using  to  amuse  the  audiences  in 
England  and  the  money  he  used  to  travel  and  exhibit  the 
movements  of  animals,  and  he  imposed  upon  the  Governor  the 
idea  that  he  possessed  the  most  delicate  chemicals  enabled  to 
produce  the  results  when  in  fact  he  was  far  behind  the  times 
and  processes  were  in  use  for  years  far  more  delicate  and  which 
he  did  not  know  of  until  he  went  to  Europe." 


A  troublesome  legal  suit,  Osgood  vs.  Muybridge 
(Stanford's  Boston  publisher)  was  begun  in  the  United  States 
Circuit  Court,  Massachusettes  District,  on  14  September  1882. 
It  was  never  brought  to  trial  and  was  dismissed  without 
prejudice  or  costs.  Muybridge  then  immediately  commenced  a 
suit  by  attachment  against  Stanford,  claiming  $50,000  in 
damages.  Stanford  then  claimed  that,  being  interested  in  the 
study  of  animal  locomotion,  he  had  "solicited  and  employed" 
Muybridge  as  an  expert  photographer;  that  he  had,  further, 
employed  "expert  engineers,  electricians,  mechanics,  assistants 
and  laborers  to  assist  in  the  project;  that  to  him  personally 
belonged  "all  the  cameras,  plates,  paper,  chemicals,  machinery, 
apparatus,  appliances,  models,  subjects,  skill  and  labor," 
including  the  skill  and  labor  of  Eadweard  Muybridge. 
Muybridge  lost  his  second  case.  It  was  nonsuited  by  judgment 
in  a  motion  rendered  on  13  February  1885.  By  this  time, 
Stanford's  only  son,  Leland  Jr.,  had  died,  and  his  and  Mrs. 
Stanford's  abiding  concern  was  to  establish  a  university  in  his 
memory.  Muybridge  was  occupied  with  his  work  at  the  University 
of  Pennsylvania. 

Stanford's  last  thoughts  about  Muybridge  were  written  to 
Stillman  as  follows:  "I  think  the  fame  we  have  given  him  has 
turned  his  head. .  ."31  Stanford's  last  thoughts  about  The  Horse 
in  Motion,  which  had  a  singularly  bad  time  of  it  on  the  market, 
were  these,  written  to  Stillman:  "Don't  allow  the  matters  to 
worry  you.  If  the  people  don't  buy  the  book  it  is  their 
misfortune   as  well  as  ours.  As  a  money  matter,  if  I  am  not 


Muybridge,    "Studies  of  Foreshortenings,"  Mahomet  running     1879 
print  from  wet-plate  collodion  glass  negative 
Photograph  145,   Attitudes  of  Animals  in  Motion,    1881 
Stanford  University  Museum  of  Art 

"Illustrations  of  the  Paces" 

lithograph  from  Muybridge  photograph 

Plate  LXXV,  J.D.B.  Stillman,    The  Horse  in  Motion,    1882 

Rare  Books  and  Special  Collections,  Stanford  University  Libraries 

called  upon  to  pay  more,  it  is  of  the  past. .  ."32 

The  history  of  the  Stanford/Muybridge  falling  out  is  a  subtle 
one,  largely  disclosed  by  the  depositions  which  were  gathered  in 
1883  by  Stanford's  lawyers  in  preparation  for  contesting  the 
suit  of  attachment  brought  against  Stanford  by  Muybridge.  The 
depositions  and  letters  of  Muybridge  and  others  which  will  be 
cited  below,  have  recently  been  made  available  by  the  George 
Arents  Research  Library  of  Syracuse  University,  where  they 
form  part  of  the  Collis  P.  Huntington  Collection;  they  provide 
many  of  the  heretofore  missing  links  in  the  history. 

We  know  from  the  Huntington  papers  that  in  the  1870s, 
Stanford  and  Muybridge  grew  to  be  close  friends.  Muybridge 
used  to  call  at  Stanford's  Palo  Alto  house  in  the  evenings,  "and 
they  would  sit  together  sometimes  for  several  hours  talking  and 
discussing.  .  .even  when  he  would  come  to  town  [Muybridge] 
would  call  at  the  office  and  see  Governor  Stanford  at  any 
time."33Business  arrangements  between  them  were  quite  loose. 
Muybridge  lived  at  the  Farm  and  had  all  his  personal  and 
professional  expenses  paid  there  without  question.  In  fact, 
under  the  superintendency  of  Mr.  Dibblee  Poett,  Muybridge  had 
carte  blanche.  Muybridge  never  set  a  definite  fee  for  his 
professional  services,  expecting  that  Stanford  would  reward  him 
handsomely  if  he  was  pleased  with  the  final  results  of  the  work. 
Stanford,  in  turn,  allowed  Muybridge  to  copyright  the 
photographs  in  his  own  name  and  to  take  out  patents  in  his 
own  name,  saying  that  what  he  could  earn  from  them  was  his. 
At  one  point,  Muybridge  offered  to  turn  all  those  copyrights 
and  patents  over  to  Stanford,  but  the  gesture  was  refused. 

Perhaps  the  first  upset  in  the  relationship  came  when 
Stanford  announced  that  he  had  invited  Dr.  J.D.B.  Stillman  to 
write  The  Horse  in  Motion.  From  the  start,  Muybridge  had 
difficulties  with  Stillman.  The  thirty-five  page  account  of  his 
work  at  Palo  Alto  which  Stillman  had  requested  of  him  for 
inclusion  in  the  book  was  set  aside  as  "ungrammatical, 
redundant  and  full  of  hyperbole,  which  would  make  the  whole 
thing  ridiculous  just  like  that  newspaper  article  published  in  the 
Examiner. .  ."^Muybridge  wrote  a  short  statement  in  place  of 
it,  and  even  this  Stillman  subsequently  altered  to  suit  his 
purposes  without  Muybridge 's  knowledge  or  approval.  In  this 
matter  Frank  Shay  took  sides  with  Stillman  rather  than  with 
Muybridge.  Shay  had  replaced  Poett  as  superintendent  of  Palo 
Alto  Farm,  and  under  his  regime  things  began  to  tighten  up  a 
bit  for  Muybridge.  For  example,  on  Muybridge's  departure  for 

Europe,  Frank  Shay  and  Ariel  Lathrop  fixed  upon  $2,000  as  a 
suitable  amount  to  pay  him  for  his  several  years  of  work  for 
Leland  Stanford.  This  Muybridge  accepted,  but  the  amount 
must     have     seemed    shockingly    little     to  him. 

That  Stanford  and  Muybridge  remained  friends  even  after 
this  incident  we  know  from  Muybridge's  letter  to  Frank  Shay 
of  November  28,  1881,  cited  above.  We  also  know  that 
Muybridge  had  been  unsuccessfully  trying  to  interest  Stanford 
in  supporting  new  photographic  experiments  abroad:  "I  have 
been  waiting  the  disposition  of  the  Governor  since  the  1st  Octr. 
.  .  .1  believe  he  proposes  to  return  next  spring;  by  that  time  I 
shall  hope  to  be  in  full  operation  experimenting  with  new 

»  35 

As  it  became  apparent  that  Stanford  was  not  picking  up  his 
option  to  finance  further  experiments  abroad,  Muybridge 
overplayed  his  hand,  first  by  indicating  to  Shay  that  he  would 
shortly  visit  England  "for  the  purpose  of  inducing  some 
wealthy  gentleman  (to  whom  I  have  letters  of  introduction)  to 
provide  the  necessary  funds  for  pursuing  and  indeed  completing 
the  investigation  of  animal  motion.  .  ."36then  by  announcing 
on  December  23rd  that  "important  events  have  transpired 
which  will  render  an  extended  residence  in  Paris  necessary;  and 
at  the  same  time  relieve  me  of  the  anxiety  under  which,  as  you 
well  know,  I  have  for  a  long  time  been  existing." 


The  project  as  outlined  by  Muybridge  (but  never  completed) 
was  for  Meissonier,  Marey,  a  "capitalist"  friend  of  Meissonier's 
and  Muybridge  to  collaborate  on  "a  new  series  of  investigations 
which  I  intend  shall  throw  all  those  executed  at  Palo  Alto 
altogether  in  the  shade. "38Governor  Stanford  was  asked  to  join 
in  this  project,  but  he  evidently  declined.  Why  join  in  a  project 
that  would  throw  his  Palo  Alto  project  "altogether  in  the 
shade"?  The  unfortunate  wording  of  Muybridge's  letter  shows 
that  he  was,  on  the  one  hand,  angry  with  Leland  Stanford  for 
undervaluing  him;  and,  on  the  other  hand,  that  he  was  painfully 
reluctant  to  lose  him  as  a  patron:  "one  of  the  conditions  of 
the  agreement  is,  that  Meissonier  is  to  have  control  of  the 
results,  and  that  I  shall  assign  to  him  my  present  American  and 
European  copyrights  and  also  those  I  make  next  season.  In 
consideration  of  which  I  shall  receive  payment  for  the  times  I 
was  working  in  connection  with  their  production,  and  at  my 
ordinary  rate  of  payment  for  work  in  California,  this  will  of 
course  be  quite  a  sum.  M.  Meissonier  himself  is  not  activated  by 
any  selfish  motives,  neither  do  I  suppose  is  his  friend  (who  the 


"friend"  is  I  do  not  know)  for  he  assures  me  he  is  very  rich; 
but  I  really  believe  and  so  does  M.  Meissonier  it  will  be  an 
investment  that  will  pay  for  itself,  and  very  probably  a 
profitable  one." 

This  playing  off  of  Stanford  against  the  competition  of  an 
unknown  "capitalist"  brought  only  negative  results.  These 
Muybridge  felt  in  England  in  1882  when  The  Horse  In  Motion 
came  out  without  his  name  on  the  title  page  as  he  had 
expected.  The  suit  of  attachment  which  followed  closed  the 
door  on  further  Stanford/Muybridge  collaboration. 

The  cruelest  blow  dealt  Muybridge  during  the  trial  was 
dealt  by  Stillman  in  a  letter  to  Alfred  Cohen,  Stanford's 
lawyer:  "...  I  believe  Muybridge  to  be  a  very  unsafe  and 
unscrupulous  man.  If  he  does  not  wear  hay  on  his  horn  he  does 
carry  a  pistol  in  his  pocket  and  he  did  shoot  a  friend  in  the 
back  and  plead  insanity."40 

One  little-known  fact  about  Dr.  J.D.B.  Stillman  serves  to  put 
his  critical  ability  in  perspective.  In  a  careful  reading  of  The 
Horse  in  Motion  made  in  November,  1882,  by  Wm.  R.  French, 
brother  of  the  American  sculptor,  Daniel  Chester  French, 
twenty-seven  errors  were  found  in  the  plates;  forty-nine  errors 
were  found  in  the  first  four  chapters  alone.  He  thought  that 
"A  person  entirely  unacquainted  with  anatomy  could  hardly 
hope  to  find  his  way  through  the  entaglements.  .  ." 41  Sartor 

1882-1904:  Further  Studies  and  Retirement 

While   the  Stanford  years  were   Muybridge's  years  of  creative 
expansion,  the  years  which  followed  were  his  years  of  greatest 

Muybridge,  Animals  in  Motion,    1899,  p.  159 

acclaim,  both  here  and  abroad.  From  1882  to  1884,  he  was 
heavily  occupied  as  a  public  speaker  in  America.  His  topics 
were:  "The  Attitudes  of  Animals  in  Motion,"  and  "The 
Romance  and  Reality  of  Animal  Locomotion."  Now  came  his 
invitation  to  carry  out  an  exacting  program  of  camera  research 
at  the  University  of  Pennsylvania,  where  he  worked  during 
1884  and  1885  with  elaborate  batteries  of  cameras  to  produce 
the  some  100,000  photographs  of  animals  and  the  human  figure 
in  motion  which  were  published  in  the  fall  of  1887  as  Animal 

This  gigantic  work,  which  is  known  today  as  his  magnum 
opus,  led  to  subsequent  lecture  tours  in  America,  Great  Britain, 
Germany,  France,  Italy  and  Switzerland.  His  lecture  topic  was 
"The  Science  of  Animal  Locomotion  in  its  Relation  to  Design  in 
Art."  In  1893  Muybridge  projected  his  pictures  at  the  World's 
Columbian  Exposition  in  Chicago,  and  in  a  "motion  picture 
theatre"  expressly  built  for  that  purpose.  His  Descriptive 
Zob'praxography,  or  the  Science  of  Animal  Locomotion  Made 
Popular,  was  published  by  the  University  of  Pennsylvania  at  this 

Around  1894,  Eadweard  Muybridge  returned  to  England  and 
settled  again  in  his  birthplace,  Kingston-upon-Thames.  Between 
1894  and  1896,  he  carried  out  busy  lecture  schedules  in  the 
British  Isles.  In  the  fall  of  1897,  he  completed  negotiations 
with  the  London  firm  of  Chapman  &  Hall  for  the  proper 
publication  of  the  two  volumes  in  which  he  planned  to 
summarize  his  life's  work:  Animals  in  Motion  (1899)  and  The 
Human  Figure  in  Motion  (1901).  His  satisfaction  in  seeing  these 
two  volumes  of  photographs  in  print,  financially  rewarding,  and 
within  reach  of  students,  scholars  and  artists,  carried  him  along 
for  the  next  years  in  the  glow  of  pride  and  comfortable 
retirement.    He  prepared   an  enormous  scrapbook  of  his  press 


ILHOl   I    Ills    mm,   up    FROM     ill  1     RESULTS    OF     till.    PALO    ALTO    INVESTIGATION,     [872-79,    ALL    OF    WHICH    RESEMBLE    PHASES   THAT    HAVE    BEEN,     \l     \\KUU 

riMES,     ADOPTED    I5\     ARTISTS     \-    THEIR    INTERPRETATION    01      1111     GALLOP    OF     1111     HORSE. 


Muybridge,  Plate  489,  Animal  Locomotion   1887 

Model  No.  95,  "an  ex-athlete,  aged  about  sixty.  .  .  A,  ascending  incline; 

B,  ascending  incline  with  50-lb.  dumb-bell;  C,  descending  incline 

D,  descending  incline  with  50-lb.  dumb-bell." 

gravure  print,  17  5/8  x  25  3/8  in.,  Stanford  University  Museum  of  Art 



Tic  SUber  eintS  [n*.tn  Sulrpd  dciatbro  in 
lifcarfen  lanra  in  eme  flantnibc  Owtaanj,  iwlay 
^lc  &Mtfc  bed  *i!M  natuili*  ectin..4*  rau^Ira 
*m  *oftn  fletca  fie  fell.  ^Jb«  bet  f«a'ic  »Mra<t 
lit  lent  atriuma  ttnli  ft*  b<ra  obtttn  Sana,  ant 
uH4  fleieciaacbl  mil,  baber  open  beiulicber,  wit  OH 
btibcn  scitcn.  __.    _ 

Tad  ill  ber  cmfadic  unb  noruitntc  &unb  bci 
ieMcnnniiaa.  ire\u  cd  faum  lu't&ij  aiJkin.,  tic  l&efebe 
ci  Sioiur  abet  ten  yaulen  3D  nmitn.  SSenn  bit 
Siftatmg  a"*  '■»'»  ntfuicn  ?«titoiiii  Dei  Sboto 
liapbit  btfunttl.  I"  """8  ">■"'  mu  *™  «*la(t«  lot 
|  S  r,ol.u*e  t'ben  bad)  febr  reifidi.ia  (cm.  -  Sail 
iut  fit  twe'ewe  »"b  b>£  !Waictti  tietauS  tin  !Rne«» 
aeuifte.  artib.n,  (a  irate  tfl  rer'aitcm  ctictbeilid},  ate 
nnriKI  '-bVeracnle  bcr  SleUan^tn  buiai  tmtn  gt- 
fttiirtn  unc  Deatenben  ffwralel  acijiafiet.  una  Per; 
PruliubcrT  bem  <rlutium  ;a  uucben.  Sine 
(.!<,■  >itia:ipe  laie  abet  ebtnfc  jcoi  im  3&lenffc  tea 
Rraifrctnull  Del  (hits'*,  ir-ic  in  tern  bci  taBb: 
nm.Ullc'i  —if.— 



...  I 



■  Lr  C.ilom-I  DuIkhk*oI.  qui  jOlDl   I  blbi  I  dl  KB    I 

am  Mi-talc  cmimHmb  •'■'■■  '  " 

ins  i  i  des  ptw  '"'■  rwsMii*    ""'-  '"  ■  '  ,!  ""  ''  ■ 

booiH  lw  qa*Iit«a  <M  Ees  <H&utt  ■'■'  wruiiiea  oeuvrea  irlutfqBW 

modernr*.  l>  r  -  in. 

quelle  il  explique,  avec  auttol  do  r" 

.Jin   DOUS   ■'.!.': 

r/Uw/rtfwn,  13  rue  de  VeroeuJI. 







Set  «R}trik  m  Uictbea.  aiffndt,^  IitrseleUet 
.iii  bet  Hummer  I  oc«  oeqcnraartiaen  r0hr,„„  *! 
b.  8i.lJ.lrbe  berll,berid>ni,:  .k.C"r,  b^S? 
m.ffrnfcDam.d.  beraelmcr  bit  neucf.c  Iba,  acbt  mua  b[7,' 
tm«  ca  Dem  Jiorbamentaner  IWutibribae  au»  Ian  Si  I 
jelunatn,  emeu  amamatiidicn  pDoioqraol|,.tl|(n  *„„'!:; 

bca  *.rbca  ,n  enicr  li  :f.u.l,a,aArapD„Sc» 


aciuDrt.  njcldic  bad  Wert  ,.ab.  i5bainalon"  im  SdmeUUuie  mil 

ben  iempa  aon  2  fflmutcii  L'4  pr.  cngl.jalc  'JHril. 

ban.cUicri    I  «  grin;.  8«od)tun8,  reciAc  fu-ic  OTi.tDciluna  in 

aUcn  bc.Dcilia.tii  Sreijcn  aeiunbro  bai.    if.  bcr  Slnlac    ban 

in  b.n  bnioliiciibcn  iccha  Sbbilbungen,  l)iq   129—134    ba«.  nocDinald  Dubcrgtatbtn  oirb,  loic «  i.n  Murirrabe 

in    luiiticlm  >J)f,    cine    ciialiicbe    'Di.ilc     .iicfti    poll  .in 

Jumtcl    atoiirapliiiaic   1'icilc     u.rOcfla,t.     i;a    ,ft    au(t    bri 

bificn  sBilbcrn  bcr  venfer  unb  bad  AMaDvie  aid  ubcrfluffia 

rocaaclancn    roorben  unb  cd  rorrb  ;ur  cirldultnma  nocbmald 

Dcruocicbaben.  ban  in  'Jlcaal.pc  emtl  ,.b.n  tinscliifn  «uacn. 

blKfebilbc*  be.  irocauicnbiiei.  Ibt.l  cmcr  5ceunbt  bcr  cm- 

roirluna  bed  '.'.ilea  jmufcn   ifi,  unb  baij  ferncr  bit 

(uni  beiieren  StrftasbmB  auf  ben  ».lb.ri.  ,).;oacncn  SaricoJ. 

,    l.mcn  im  ^mitranmbc  28  tnsl.  3oU  n-7 1  'JJJ.i.r,  00n  tinanbre 

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|    Urb_e  ban.cUcn.  roorauf  bad   BfcrS  i.di  banco,.,    rodbrcnb  bit 

barubcr  atjpgoitn  yian;on.alliniai  bic  erD.bunam 

;    ubcr  ban  Crbbobcn  Don  pier,  ad),  unb  )Dilf  ^oli  flu    20 

;    bi;.  SO  Scntim.    marlircn.    lid  iinb  b.til  i'.nitn     roi'e  cie' 

--    iaai.  mr  in  analm'e  ber  atroc^unj  bed  Dfcrbcd  unrrlanlid) 

Jtan  ut  ea  Dei  bieien  Silbern  icbr  intcrcifam  ;u  beob-,  im  it*  i'rert  im  Shirstrabt,    bcr  bem  SeDneilicDritl 

!    iianliai  nahc  uelii,    iinmcr    ;roa  iBcinc  unb   rpdDicnb  cine* 

itejm  '.Hiwci.Hr.lca  bet  jebtm  Slultdlttiten    Jig   i:n   Ci  brci 

.  «nf  ban  Saba.  bat.   ?,c  SrtUungtn  bcr  Seine    Die 

lie  bic  ,tw.  129  A  unb  133.  K  iinidiaulio  inadirn.  rocijen  ferncr 

:    era  auJidjreiten   tea  ?ferbe«  ran  ,fu§  .Soil     1    23 

Kelei    iia.t,  nwbmiD  badielbe  i'fers  im  StbncBIauf  bei  bem 

fempt  nan  iron  Hi.  24  geeunben  or.  cn,  JJecile, 

ubc.  adi... ■,.  ,-vuf,    5;49  3Retei    :.■:*..    «.:ncrfc..droenb  ift. 

ban  pM  t'icib    be.  bicicni   [onajomen  (Vlanae    bic  Seine   in 

'i    ton   aici    .Sau    10  lientim.    ram  sSob.n 

rab  bae  nui  in  cinem  Komemc   baa  lint,  i 

beiu    ,u.,.  132    l.    jid,  .,d„   a,m    20  lientim.    bod.  crlicbi 

'  baa  mile    fta    134,  K     ro,e  reciti 
P'n«rbera  nut  ....  dck  ;;;;u.Ka  acnan  SoU 

'"  ttenttn     : en  aueaerwrfoi  ro.rb. 

Hmtj  hiaM  mocDt.  fidj  mieba  emufe)  leu  iut  ijr.ieluna 

■    - 

*,".      [    '  r|    bid, 

Lilian  mtrb,   bie  atridnebaien  «ofl 

:  rin  burd,  bie 

unb  flor  ;u  bcobadiien 

is       ' 


btrcci  ,u  9fa 


ci*co   SfllifSrnu 


A  page  from  the  scrapbook  of  clippings  and  leaflets  that 
Muybridge  assembled  during  his  retirement  in  Kingston-upon-Thames 
256  numbered  pages,  10%  x  8%  in.,  and  many  inserted  pages 
Central  Library,  Kingston-upon-Thames 

clippings,  which  he  bequeathed,  along  with  his  accumulation  of 
negatives,  lantern  slides,  technical  books  and  instruments,  to  the 
Kingston  Borough  Library.  He  lived  to  see  the  advent  of  the 
commercial  motion  picture,  and  with  it,  the  rise  of  the 
numerous  claimants  who  said  that  they  had  "invented"  the 
cinema.  Only  once  did  he  involve  himself  in  this  controversy.  In 
1897  he  reminded  the  editor  of  the  Camera  Club  Journal  of  the 
fact  that  he  had  himself  accomplished  the  synthesis  of 
instantaneously  taken  analytical  photographs  in  the 
zoopraxiscope  as  early  as  1879;  that  Marey's  "successful 
obtainment  of  consecutive  phases  of  motion  with  a  single  lens 
upon  a  strip  of  sensitized  material"  (in  1882)  represented,  in 
his  opinion,  the  next  stage  of  improvements;  and  that  Edison's 
"first  application  of  a  strip  or  ribbon  containing  a  number  of.  .  . 
figures  in  a  straight  line  (instead  of  being  arranged  on  a  large 
glass  disk),  for  lantern  projection"  (in  1893)  was  the  final 
bridge  to  the  modern  cinema. 


He  later  made  similar  statements  in  the  Prefaces  to  The 
Horse  in  Motion  and  The  Human  Figure  in  Motion.  With  these 
statements  clearly  made,  and  his  own  position  in  the 
development  of  the  study  of  motion  put  on  record,  Muybridge 
withdrew  from  professional  concerns  entirely.  He  relinquished 

his  work  with  dignity  and  serenity,  clear  about  the  future: 
"Science  advances."  He  foresaw  the  story  film,  but  wanted  no 
part  in  its  commercial  development.  His  aims  had  been  artistic 
and  scientific.  His  means  had  been  sufficient  to  them. 

He  took  up  the  homely  life  of  family,  friends,  reading  and 
gardening.  At  the  time  of  his  death  in  1904,  he  was 
constructing  a  scale  model  of  the  Great  Lakes  in  his  garden. 

Muybridge's  work  remains  one  of  the  great  monuments  of 
nineteenth-century  artistic  and  scientific  endeavor.  Its  prophetic 
character  still  influences  artists  and  scientists  today.  How 
prophetic  it  was  may  perhaps  best  be  seen  in  the  prediction 
which  he  made  in  Animals  in  Motion:  in  the  not  too  distant 
future,  he  wrote,  "instruments  will  be  constructed  that  will  not 
only  reproduce  visible  actions  simultaneously  with  audible 
words,  but  an  entire  opera,  with  the  gestures,  facial  expressions, 
and  songs  of  the  performers,  with  all  the  accompanying  music, 
will  be  recorded  and  reproduced  by  an  apparatus  combining  the 
principles  of  the  zoopraxiscope  and  the  phonograph,  for  the 
instruction  and  entertainment  of  an  audience  long  after  the 
original  participants  have  passed  away.  .  ."  43 


1.  Business  advertisement  for  "E.  J.  Muygridge,  113  Montgomery 
Street  and  163  Clay  Street,  San  Francisco,"  c.  1858.  The 
California  Historical  Society,  San  Francisco. 

2.  The  Bancroft  Library,  University  of  California,  Berkeley.  The 
Bradley  &  Rulofson  firm  first  published  Muybridge's  work  in 
1873.  After  his  return  from  Central  America  in  1875, 
Muybridge's  publisher  was  Morse. 

3.  Helen  Hunt  Jackson,  Bits  of  Travel  at  Home,  Boston,  1886,  p. 
86.  This  is  an  anthology  of  the  author's  articles  on  travel  in  the 
United  States,  which  were  serialized  in  Boston  newspapers  in 
the  1870s.  Portions  published  in  1872  are  found  in 
Muybridge's  Scrapbook  at  the  Borough  Library, 
Kingston-upon-Thames,  p.  9.  For  a  description  of  the 
scrapbook  that  he  assembled  toward  the  end  of  his  life,  see 
illustration,  p.  32. 

Alta  California  (San  Francisco),  30  August  1877.  Kingston 
Scrapbook,  p.  19.  Muybridge  always  gave  Stanford  full  credit 
for  the  idea  of  applying  photography  to  the  study  of  the  horse 
in  motion,  but  not  for  the  procedures  developed  to  do  it.  The 
so-called  "bet"  as  a  motivation  for  the  experiments  has,  in  the 
writer's  estimation,  no  bearing  on  the  experimental  work,  and, 
as  a  consequence,  has  been  left  out  of  the  present  discussion. 
E.  J.  Muybridge,  Animals  in  Motion,  London,  1899.  All 
following  brief  Muybridge  quotations  whose  source  is  not  given 
are  from  his  Preface  to  this  publication. 
Alta  California,  7  April  1873. 

This  episode  in  Muybridge's  life  has  also,  in  the  writer's 
opinion,  been  overemphasized,  in  relation  to  his  work, 
particularly  by  Terry  Ramsaye,  in  A  Million  and  One  Nights, 
New  York,  1926. 


8.  San  Francisco  Bulletin,  3  August  1877.  Kingston  Scrapbook,  p. 
19.  This  evidence  that  Muybridge  had  an  inventive  and 
independently  theoretical  turn  of  mind  is  borne  out  also  by  a 
series  of  mechanisms  that  he  developed  and  often  sought  to 
patent:  1)  a  plate-printing  apparatus,  2)  a  washing  machine,  3) 
a  sky-shade  for  landscape  photography,  4)  a  method  for 
photographing  objects  in  motion,  5)  the  zoopraxiscope,  6)  a 
pneumatic  clock,  7 )  a  picture-feeding  device  for  magic  lanterns. 
He  was  apparently  well-qualified  to  oversee  and  coordinate  the 
technical  aspects  of  the  Stanford /Muybridge  research.  [See 
Documents,  A.] 

9.  Alta  California,  30  August  1877.  Kingston  Scrapbook,  p.  19. 
Quoted  from  Muybridge 's  letter  of  24  August  to  MacCrellish, 
editor  of  the  Alta. 

10.  Ibid.  Quoted  from  MacCrellish 's  comments. 

11.  San  Francisco  Evening  Post,  September  1877.  Kingston 
Scrapbook,  p.  12. 

12.  For  further  discussion  of  this  curious  recent  find  at  the 
Stanford  Museum,  see  "Catalogue  and  Notes  on  the  Work." 
There  was  certainly  a  photographic  plate  of  Occident,  quite 
apart  from  Muybridge 's  copy  negative  of  the  painting  based 
on  that  plate. 

13.  The  Stanford  Museum  holds  two  canvases  by  P.R.  Van  Zandt 
of  Albany,  New  York:  1)  a  sketch  of  Abe  Edgington, 
"September  13,  1876  "  (and  on  the  stretcher,  in  pencil,  "Oct. 
3,  1876,"  which  may  have  been  the  day  of  its  receipt  by 
Stanford);  2)  an  oil  painting  of  Edgington  based  on  the  sketch, 
but  with  minor  correction  of  position,  "Feb.  1877." 

14.  San  Francisco  Evening  Post,  3  August  1877.  Kingston 
Scrapbook,  p.  17. 

15.  British  Journal  Photographic  Almanac,  1872/1873,  p.  115. 
Rejlander's  proposal  was  theoretical. 

16.  Depositions  of  Arthur  Brown  (18  July  1883),  John  D.  Isaacs 
(18  July  1883),  and  Frank  Shay  (23  July  1883)  in  the  case 
Stanford  vs.  Muybridge.  The  Collis  P.  Huntington  Collection, 
George  Arents  Research  Library,  Syracuse  University.  See  also 
Resources  of  California,  August  1878.  Kingston  Scrapbook,  p. 
28.  The  name  of  John  D.  Isaacs,  who  was  later  said  to  have 
"devised  the  electrical  equipment"  for  the  project,  was  never 
publicly  mentioned  in  contemporary  sources.  In  the  writer's 
opinion,  Isaacs's  status  was  overestimated  in  the 
"Semi-Centennial"  celebration  held  at  Stanford  University  in 

17.  Letter,  John  D.  Isaacs  to  H.  C.  Peterson,  curator  of  the 
Stanford  Museum,  15  February  1916.  Stanford  University 
Archives.  In  his  deposition,  Isaacs  had  previously  credited  Mr. 
Paul  Seller  with  an  alteration  in  the  mechanism,  which  changed 
it  to  "operate  the  release  by  making  instead  of  breaking 
contact.  .  ."  Contemporary  accounts  are  apt  to  connect  the  use 
of  electricity  in  the  Stanford/Muybridge  project  to  Stanford's 

earlier  experience  with  it  when  he  drove  the  final  spike  for  the 
transcontinental  railroad  in  1869,  and  simultaneously 
telegraphed  the  news  to  the  world. 

18.  San  Francisco  Morn ing  Call,  8  June  1878. 

19.  Marey  's  letter  to  La  Nature  is  dated  18  December  1878.  It  was 
printed  in  the  December  28th  issue  and  appeared  in  English 
translation  as  well  in  the  San  Francisco  Morning  Call,  23 
February  1879.  Muybridge  responded  to  Marey  in  La  Nature, 
22  March  1879.  [See  Documents,  C,  for  texts  of  the 

20.  The  Art  Interchange  (Philadelphia),  9  July  1879.  [See 
Documents,  D,  for  the  full  text.]  Eakins'  s  use  of  Muybridge's 
The  Horse  in  Motion  photographs  in  teaching  at  the 
Pennsylvania  Academy  led  to  his  later  supporting  the 
University  of  Pennsylvania's  invitation  to  Muybridge  to 
undertake  further  research  there.  Eakins  and  Muybridge 
worked  together  for  a  brief  period. 

21.  Cited  in  George  T.  Clark,  Leland  Stanford,  War  Governor  of 
California,  Railroad  Builder  and  Founder  of  Stanford 
University,  Stanford  University  Press,  1931,  pp.  367-68.  Mr. 
Frank  Shay  dated  the  first  private  showing  as  July  1878,  "with 
quite  a  number  of  private  exhibitions  in  Governor  Stanford's 
house  in  San  Francisco  following.  .  ."  (Deposition  of  Frank 
Shay,  23  July  1883).  Shay,  however,  gave  a  wrong  date  for 
another  important  event,  and  may  also  be  inaccurate  in  this 
case.  [See  introduction  to  Documents,  E.]  Another  private 
showing  was  held  at  the  Stanfords'  San  Francisco  residence  on 
20  January  1880  (Kingston  Scrapbook,  p.  57),  nine  days  after 
Muybridge  photographed  the  solar  eclipse  at  Palo  Alto  for 
Leland  Stanford.  The  first  public  performance,  recorded  in 
several  San  Francisco  newspapers,  was  on  4  May  1880  at  the 
chambers  of  the  San  Francisco  Art  Association.  Kingston 
Scrapbook,  p.  58. 

22.  Alta  California,  5  May  1880.  Kingston  Scrapbook,  p.  58. 
Muybridge  successfully  exhibited  his  motion  pictures  before 
paying  audiences  from  1880  to  1897,  when  he  retired  from 
photography  to  prepare  Animals  in  Motion  and  The  Human 
Figure  in  Motion  for  publication. 

23.  Animals  in  Motion,  p.  4.  The  zoopraxiscope  was  preceded  by 
various  projecting  machines,even  projecting  phenakistoscopes, 
which  were  developed  in  both  Europe  and  America.  None  of 
these,  however,  used  images  "analytically  photographed  from 
life,"  but  only  pre-posed  sequences  that  did  not  require 
instantaneous  photography  as  a  component. 

24.  San  Francisco  Examiner,  6  February  1881.  [See  Documents, 
E.]  Many  San  Francisco  newspapers  reported  Stanford's 
intention  of  carrying  the  results  of  the  experiments  abroad. 
Kingston  Scrapbook,  p.  65. 

25.  Alta  California,  16  November  1881.  Kingston  Scrapbook,  p. 


26.  The  Marey  reception:  Le  Globe,  27  September  1881.  The 
Meissonier  reception:  Figaro,  27  November  1881.  [For  an 
excerpt  from  Le  Globe,  see  Documents,  I.]  Kingston 
Scrapbook,  pp.  68,  71. 

27.  The  British  Journal  of  Photography  for  17  March  1882 
reports:  "On  Monday  evening,  at  the  Royal  Institution, 
Albemarle-street,  the  first  public  exhibition  in  this  country 
was  given  [by  Muy bridge]  in  the  presence  of  the  Prince  and 
Princess  of  Wales,  the  Princesses  Louise,  Victoria  and  Maud, 
the  Duke  of  Edinburgh  and  suite,  whilst  among  the  leaders  of 
the  scientific  and  literary  world  we  recognized  Professors 
Tyndall,  Huxley,  Owen,  and  Gladstone,  the  Poet  Laureate, 
and  many  others. 

"On  Tuesday  evening  last,  again,  in  the  lecture  room  of  the 
Royal  Academy,  in  the  presence  of  Sir  Frederick  Leighton 
and  most  of  the  Academicians  and  Associates  and  a  large 
number  of  guests,  the  exhibition  was  repeated,  to  the  evident 
satisfaction  of  all,  as  the  hearty  applause  which  greeted  most 
of  the  pictures  testified."  Kingston  Scrapbook,  p.  75. 

28.  J.D.B.  Stillman,  The  Horse  in  Motion,  Boston,  1882. 
Muybridge  claimed  that  before  he  left  America,  he  had 
approved  a  different  title  page,  which  included  his  name,  and 
that  Stillman  had  assured  him  that  the  book  was  to  be 
"photographically  illustrated."  [For  Stanford's  Preface,  see 
Documents,  F.  For  Muybridge 's  claim,  see  Documents,  H.] 

29.  Nature  (London),  27  April  1882.  Kingston  Scrapbook,  p.  83. 
[For  full  text,  see  Documents,  F.]  Muybridge  maintained  the 
position  that  he  stated  here  throughout  his  lifetime.  Always 
an  independent,  he  did  not  relish  being  called  an  employee. 
The  issue  was  resolved  after  Stanford's  death  in  1893,  when 
Muybridge  assumed  full  rights  to  the  pictures  and 
reestablished  his  public  image  by  reproducing  them 
photographically  as  part  of  his  Animals  in  Motion  and  The 
Human  Figure  in  Motion. 

30.  Letter,  Stillman  to  the  publisher,  James  Osgood  &  Co.,  10 
April  1882.  Stanford  University  Archives.  Stillman  may  have 
been  referring  to  the  faster  gelatine  process,  which  was  not 
available  when  the  Stanford/Muybridge  experiments  were 
going  on. 

31.  Letter,  Stanford  to  Stillman,  23  October  1882.  Stanford 
University  Archives.  [For  the  full  text,  see  Documents,  F.] 

32.  Letter,  Stanford  to  Stillman,  5  January  1883.  Stanford 
University  Archives. 

33.  Deposition  of  Frank  Shay,  23  July,  1883,  in  Stanford  vs. 
Muybridge.  This  deposition  and  depositions  and  letters  cited 
below  are  in  the  Huntington  Collection,  George  Arents 
Research  Library,  Syracuse  University. 

34.  Deposition  of  J.D.B.  Stillman,  7  August  1883.  [See 
Documents,  E.] 

35.  Letter,  Muybridge  to  Frank  Shay,  28  November  1881.  [The 
matter  can  be  followed  in  the  material  reprinted  in 
Documents,  F.] 

36.  Ibid. 

37.  Letter,  Muybridge  to  Frank  Shay,  23  December  1881. 

38.  Ibid. 

39.  Ibid. 

40.  Letter,  Stillman  to  Alfred  A.  Cohen,  25  July  1883. 

41.  William  R.  French,  The  Horse  in  Motion,  Notes  and 
Criticisms,  November,  1882.  Manuscript,  University  of 
Pennsylvania  Library. 

42.  The  Journal  of  the  Camera  Club,  London,  p.  190  ff.  Kingston 
Scrapbook,  p.  196,  ff.  [For  Muybridge's  letter,  dated  9 
November  1897,  see  Documents,  I.]  Photography  of  motion 
was  not  Muybridge's  only  interest  after  1882.  He  continued 
his  landscape  photography  until  the  late  1890s.  Many  views 
taken  during  this  later  period  exist  only  in  the  form  of 
lantern  slides  at  the  Science  Museum,  London. 

43.  E.  Muybridge,  Animals  in  Motion,  London,  1899,  p.  5. 

Robert  Bartlett  Haas  is  Director  of  Arts  and  Humanities 
Extension,  University  of  California  at  Los  Angeles. 
His  biography,  Muybridge,  Man  in  Motion, 
is  forthcoming  from  the  University  of  California  Press 


Uncut  stereo  view  of  the  Stanford  residence  in  Sacramento 

Photographs  by  Muybridge,  1872-1880 
Catalogue  and  Notes  on  the  Work 

Anita  Ventura  Mozley 


The  Stanford  Sacramento  Home 
twenty-three  glass  negatives,  6  x  10  in. 

The  negatives  are  in  the  collection  of  Stanford  University 
Archives.  Prints  from  them  have  been  made  for  the  exhibition 
by  the  photographer  Ralph  E.  Talbert 

In  May,  1868,  Muybridge  announced  that  "Helios"  was 
prepared  to  accept  commissions  to  photograph  "Private 
Residences,  Views,  Animals,  Ships,  etc.,  anywhere  in  the  city, 
or  any  portion  of  the  Pacific  Coast."  The  photographs  of  the 
Leland  Stanford  home  at  Eighth  and  N  Streets  in  Sacramento 
are  fairly  typical  of  the  work  he  did  for  the  owners  of  large 
homes  or  estates  in  Northern  California:  the  exterior  of  the 
house  is  shown,  in  views  from  varying  distances;  the 
entranceway  next;  the  foyer;  then  the  rest  of  the  interior,  room 
by  room.  Often  members  of  the  family  sit  for  a  portrait;  the 
grouping  is  an  informal  one,  taken  as  it  is  among  the  subjects' 
familiar  surroundings.  The  really  exceptional  scene  in  this  series 
is  that  of  Jane  L.  Stanford  and  her  sister  playing  billiards,  while 
her  son  Leland  sits  watching.  This  photograph  suggests  a  greater 
intimacy  between  Muybridge  and  the  family  whose  home  he 
was  photographing  than  was  usually  the  case. 

Even  in  his  "straight"  coverage  of  the  residence's  interior, 
Muybridge  produces  views  more  dramatic  than  the  heavily 
furnished  rooms  would  seem  to  afford,  for  he  often  shoots 
straight  into  the  sunlit  windows,  and  is  obviously  not  bothered 
by  the  effect  this  produces,  as  a  more  conventional 
photographer  would  be. 




ft"  ™ 



"^^»     "-"""-*"     Wl2b    III!   IIM         """I 

Jane  L.  Stanford,  Leland  Stanford,  Jr.,  and 
Mary  Lathrop  in  the  Stanfords'  billiard  room 

Leland  Stanford  bought  the  Sacramento  residence  shortly  after 
being  nominated  in  1861  as  the  Republican  (and  pro-Union) 
candidate  for  Governor.  In  1871,  he  had  the  house  raised,  a 
basement  constructed  and  additions  made,  of  which  the  front 
entrance's  grand  stairway  is  the  most  notable.  Muybridge's  1872 
photographs  of  it  are  presently  being  studied  by  the 
Sacramento  Landmarks  Commission,  which  is  restoring  the 
Stanford  Home  to  the  condition  it  was  in  when  the  Stanford 
family  occupied  it. 


Valley  of  the  Yosemite,  Early  Morning  from  Moonlight  Rock   B&R  2 
Yosemite  National  Park  Museum 


Views  of  the  Valley  of  the  Yosemite,  The  Sierra  Nevada 
Mountains  and  The  Mariposa  Grove  of  Mammoth  Trees 

Albumen  prints  from  wet-plate  collodion  glass  negatives 

Fifty-one  18  x  22  in.  views  (Bradley  &  Rulofson  catalogue 
numbers  1-51).1  Titled  and  mounted  on  22  x  26  in.  tinted 

Thirty-six  5V2  x  8V2  in.  views  (B&R  4173-4208).  Mounted  on 
boards  11  x  14  in. 

Three-hundred  and  seventy-nine  stereos,  each  frame  3  x  3V4  in. 
(B&R  1131-1509).  Mounted  on  cards  for  the  steroscope 

Published  by  Bradley  &  Rulofson,  San  Francisco,  1873 

Prints  from  this  series  selected  for  the  exhibition  are  from  the 
collections  of  the  Yosemite  National  Park  Museum,  the  Oakland 
Museum  and  the  Stanford  University  Museum  of  Art 

The  1872  series  of  Yosemite  views  was  Muybridge's  first  major 
photographic  work.  He  realized  this  himself:  for  the  first 
time  he  issued  photographs  under  his  own  name,  rather  than 
under  the  pseudonym  "Helios."  His  publisher,  Bradley  & 
Rulofson,  advertised  them  as  "the  most  perfect  photographs 
ever  offered  for  public  inspection,"  and  were  more  justified  in 
the  boast  than  is  usually  the  case.  The  superiority  of  the  1872 
series  was  acknowledged  by  the  judges  of  landscape 
photography  at  the  Vienna  Exhibition  of  1873,  who  awarded 
the  Muybridge  views  the  International  Gold  Medal  for 
Landscape.  (Bradley  &  Rulofson  was  quick  to  capitalize  upon 
their  prize-winning  photographic  artist;  they  thereafter  added  to 
their  stamp,  which  already  carried  medals  for  preeminence  in 
"San  Francisco"  and  "The  United  States,"  the  legend,  "The 
World.")  And  another  example  of  high  critical  acclaim  from 
abroad  is  found  in  the  regular  monthly  letter  to  the  journal  The 
Philadelphia  Photographer  from  Dr.  Hermann  Wilhelm  Vogel,  a 
photographer  himself,  professor  at  the  Berlin  Technische 
Hochschule,  inventor,  author  and,  later,  teacher  of  Alfred 
Stieglitz. 2  The  following  remarks  on  Muybridge's  Yosemite 
photographs  appeared  in  The  Photographer  for  February,  1874, 
under  the  heading  "German  Correspondence": 

"Two  American  novelties  have  recently  attracted  a  good  deal 

of  attention  here;  one  of  them,  landscapes  by  Mr.  Muybridge  of 
San  Francisco.  To  the  visitors  of  the  Vienna  Exhibition  these 
pictures  were  no  novelties,  but  in  Berlin,  they  were  not 
generally  known,  and  the  excellence  and  large  size  of  the  plates, 
the  brilliancy  of  tone,  the  happy  selection  of  the  objects, 
excited  general  admiration. 

"Landscapes  of  this  size  are  the  exception  here,  and  the 
thought  that  Muybridge,  with  his  mammoth  camera  for  plates 
of  twenty-two  inches,  climbed  mountains,  fills  many  a  one  with 
admiration  and  respect.  ..." 

Muybridge  had  made  his  first  trip  to  photograph  Yosemite 
Valley  in  1867;  he  was  the  fourth  photographer  we  know  of 
who  ventured  there.3  On  his  1867  trip  he  had  produced 
seventy-two  6  x  8  in.  views  and  one-hundred  and  fourteen 
stereos.  These  are  presently  largely  unknown  and  unstudied; 
twenty  of  them  are  used  as  illustrations  for  the  first  guidebook 
to  the  Valley,  Yosemite:  Its  Wonders  and  Its  Beauties,  "by 
John  S.  Hittlell,  illustrated  with  Twenty  Photographic  Views 
Taken  by  'Helios'  and  a  map  of  the  Valley,"  San  Francisco, 
H.H.  Bancroft,  1868.4  But  the  Hittell  book  is  rare,  and  actually 
affords  little  idea  of  the  quality  of  Muybridge's  photographs, 
for  the  illustrations  are  copy  reductions  from  the  original  6x8 
in.  prints.  Muybridge,  as  publisher  of  the  mounted  series  of 
contact  prints  from  his  1867  negatives,  had  announced  them  as 
the  work  of  "Helios,"  and  had  declared  that:  "For  artistic 
effect,  and  careful  manipulation,  they  are  pronounced  by  all 
the  best  landscape  painters  and  photographers  in  the  city  to  be 
the  most  exquisite  photographic  views  ever  produced  on  this 
coast."  As  with  his  1872  series,  contemporary  comment  then 
bore  him  out.  The  Alta  California  for  17  February  1868  said: 

"The  views  surpass  in  artistic  excellence,  anything  that  has 
yet  been  published  in  San  Francisco.  .  .  .In  some  of  the  series, 
we  have  just  such  cloud  effects  as  we  see  in  nature  or 
oil-painting,  but  almost  never  in  a  photograph."5 

This  was  a  comment  also  on  the  earlier  cloudless  Yosemite 
photographs  of  Carleton  E.  Watkins,  as  well  as  a  suggestion  that 
by  1867  Muybridge  had  in  use  a  device  of  his  invention  called 
"The  Sky  Shade"  [see  Documents,  A],  a  shutter  which  allowed 
for  varying  exposures  on  a  single  plate,  both  vertically  and 
horizontally,  to  compensate  for  the  plate's  difference  in 
sensitivity  to  different  colors  in  the  landscape.  The  sky's  being  so 
particularly  remarked  in  the  Alta  review  indicates  that  it  was 
particularly  effective;  one  can  hardly  imagine  being  in  full  grasp 
of  the  splendor  of  Yosemite  Valley  under  a  cloudless  sky. 
Particularly,    the    "cloud    effects"    recommended    Muybridge's 


work   as   "more  artistic"  than  that  of  his  predecessors  in  the 

The  Philadelphia  Photographer  for  November,  1869,  carried 
an  article  on  the  results  of  Muybridge's  first  Yosemite  trip 
along  with  a  print  from  one  of  the  many  negatives  he  sent  to 
the  journal's  editor,  Edward  L.  Wilson.  The  description  of  the 
difficulties  of  a  photographic  expedition  to  Yosemite  Valley 
should  be  kept  in  mind  in  considering  all  of  Muybridge's  later 
expeditions  with  wet-plate  gear;  it  is  particularly  relevant  to  the 
1872  series,  for  which  he  used  much  large  and  heavier 

"Through  the  kindness  of  Mr.  Edward  [sic]  J.  Muybridge, 
San  Francisco,  California,  who  has  loaned  us  the  negatives,  we 
are  enabled  to  present  our  readers  with  a  view  in  the  great 
Yosemite  Valley,  California.  .  .  .  [The  series  of  views]  were 
taken  by  the  indefatigable  and  untiring  'Helios,'  before  the 
great  railroad  belt  that  binds  the  Atlantic  with  the  Pacific  was 
completed.  They  were  also  made  by  one  with  a  true  artist's  eye 
and  feeling,  and  are  therefore,  precious,  and  as  fine  as  precious. 
To  photograph  in  such  a  place  is  not  ordinary  work.  It  differs 
somewhat  from  spending  a  few  hours  with  the  camera  in 
Fairmount  [Philadelphia]  or  Central  Park  [New  York  City].  All 
the  traps,  and  appliances,  and  chemicals,  and  stores,  and 
provender,  have  to  be  got  together,  and  then  pack-mules 
secured  to  carry  the  load,  and  drivers  to  have  charge  of  them. 
Thus  accoutred,  the  photographer  starts  out,  say,  from  San 
Francisco,  through  hill  and  vale,  across  deep  fords,  over  rugged 
rocks,  down  steep  inclines,  and  up  gorgeous  heights,  for  a 
journey  of  one-hundred  and  fifty  miles.  Several  days  are  thus 
occupied,  and  several  nights  of  rest  are  needed  along  the  road.7 

"  'Helios'  has  outdone  all  competitors.  His  views  are  grand, 
and,  as  a  photographer,  he  might  vie  with  the  great  Wilson,  of 
Scotland.  .  .  . 

"  'Helios'  hopes  to  go  to  the  Valley  again  some  time  soon, 
when  he  promises  to  secure  us  some  more  splendid  subjects." 

Muybridge's  1872  trip  to  the  Valley  and  the  surrounding  high 
country  was  far  more  ambitious,  in  size  and  variety  of 
equipment  and  in  the  number  and  range  of  views  taken,  than 
that  of  1867  had  been.  In  a  prospectus  issued  from  Thomas 
Houseworth's  San  Francisco  studio  in  May,  1872,  he  made 
public  his  plan  for  the  series,  which  was  already  under  way,  and 
sought  further  subscriptions: 

"I   am   encouraged   in   this  undertaking   from  the  generally 

expressed  opinion,  especially  of  our  best  Art  Critics,  that 
although  many  carefully  executed  large-size  photographs  of  our 
scenery  have  already  been  published,  yet  the  wonderful 
improvement  in  the  science  of  photographic  manipulation,  and 
a  judicious  selection  of  points  of  view,  with  an  aim  at  the 
highest  artistic  treatment  the  subject  affords,  will  result  in  a 
more  complete  realization  than  has  hitherto  been  accomplished 
of  the  vast  grandeur  and  pictorial  beauty  for  which  our  State 
and  Coast  have  so  worldwide  a  reputation.  To  those  gentlemen 
who  are  acquainted  with  my  works,  or  with  me  personally,  it 
will  be  merely  necessary  for  me  to  refer  to  the  numerous 
smaller  photographs  of  my  execution  as  an  earnest  of  what  may 
be  expected  as  the  result  of  my  anticipated  labors,  and  to 
remark  that  I  have  now  an  outfit  of  lenses  and  apparatus 
superior  to  any  other  in  the  United  States.  .  .  . 

"The  size  of  my  proposed  negatives  will  be  20  x  24  inches, 
and  the  prints  about  18  x  22,  of  which  subscribers  for  each  one 
hundred  dollars  subscribed  will  be  entitled  to  select  FORTY 
from  the  whole  series,  to  be  printed  and  mounted  upon  India 
tinted  boards.  .  .  .Receive  the  assurance  that  all  my  energies 
shall  be  directed  toward  rendering  this  proposed  series  the  most 
acceptable  photographic  publication  ever  issued  in  the  United 
States,  with  the  object  of  attracting  attention  to  the 
magnificent  scenery  of  our  own  State  and  Coast  in  a  manner 
worthy  of  the  theme."8 

When  the  prospectus  was  issued,  it  carried  in  set  type  the 
names  of  a  number  of  outstanding  businessmen,  artists,  and 
photographers  of  San  Francisco.  On  his  own  copy  of  the 
prospectus,  Muybridge  added,  in  his  own  hand,  the  names  of 
additional  subscribers,  including  the  Pacific  Mail  Steamship 
Company,  and  the  Central  Pacific  and  Union  Pacific  Railroads, 
each  of  which  subscribed  $1,000,  or  the  equivalent  of  ten  sets 
each.  Although  Leland  Stanford  is  not  listed  as  an  individual 
subscriber,  he  was  then  president  of  the  Central  Pacific,  and 
must  have  authorized  the  subscription. 9 

Although  the  prospectus  was  not  issued  until  May,  by  late 
April,  Muybridge  had  already  produced  a  number  of  large  views, 
which  he  showed  in  Sacramento,  in  what  must  have  been  an 
interlude  of  rest  and  subscription  seeking.  The  Sacramento 
Union  for  26  April  1872  reports  that: 

"We  had  an  opportunity  of  looking  last  evening  at  some 
very  fine  large-sized  photographic  negatives  representing  some 
of  the  most  picturesque  views  of  Yosemite  Valley.  .  .  .  They 
are  the  production  of  Edward  [sic]   Muybridge.  .  .10 


Pi-Wi-Ack  (Shower  of  Stars),  "Vernal  Fall"  B&R  23 
Oakland  Museum 

Yosemite  Creek,  Summit  of  the  Falls  at  Low  Water   B&R  44 
Oakland  Museum 

Ancient  Glacier  Channel,  at  Lake  Tenaya   B&R  47 
Yosemite  National  Park  Museum 

The  High  Sierra,  from  Glacier  Rock   B&R  38 
Yosemite  National  Park  Museum 

Muy bridge  stayed  in  Sacramento  briefly;  by  July,  he  was 
back  in  Yosemite.  It  was  during  this  brief  stay  that  he  may 
have  been  in  touch  with  Leland  Stanford,  and  made  the  first 
attempt  to  photograph  Occident  in  motion. 

Throughout  the  spring  and  summer,  Muybridge  took  pictures 
of  Yosemite's  meadows  and  waterfalls  and  the  granite  walls 
that  surround  them.  News  of  his  photographic  feats  reached  the 
San  Francisco  newspapers.  The  Alta  California  for  7  April  1872 

".  .  .he  has  waited  several  days  in  a  neighborhood  to  get  the 
proper  conditions  of  atmosphere  for  some  of  his  views;  he  has 
cut  down  trees  by  the  score  that  interfered  with  the  cameras 
from  the  best  point  of  sight;11  he  had  himself  lowered  by  ropes 
down  precipices  to  establish  his  instruments  in  places  where  the 
full  beauty  of  the  object  to  be  photographed  could  be 
transferred  to  the  negative;  he  has  gone  to  points  where  his 
packers  refused  to  follow  him,  and  he  has  carried  the  apparatus 
himself  rather  than  to  forego  the  picture  on  which  he  has  set 
his  mind." 

Muybridge  returned  to  San  Francisco  from  the  Valley  by 
way  of  the  High  Sierra  and  the  Mariposa  Grove  of  Mammoth 
Trees  in  the  late  fall  of  1872.  He  spent  the  next  five  months 
printing  his  negatives  for  Bradley  &  Rulofson,  who  had  by  this 
time  lured  him  away  from  Houseworth  (the  publisher  from 
whose  studio  he  has  issued  his  prospectus)  with  their  superior 
printing  and  mounting  apparatus,  [see  Documents,  A] .  The 
series  was  ready  for  publication  in  April,  1873;  it  brought 
Muybridge  over  $20,000  in  income,  and  the  popular  and  critical 
acclaim  quoted  above.  From  then  onward,  he  was  the 
acknowledged  leader  of  his  profession  in  San  Francisco. 

What  is  there  in  the  work  produced  on  this  great  photographic 
expedition  that  recommends  it  above  that  of  Muybridge's 
predecessors?  Taken  individually,  the  prints  are  richer  in  color 
and  more  varied  in  tone  than  the  work  of  Watkins,  to  whom 
Muybridge  is  most  often  compared.  The  composition  is  more 
dramatic,  and  the  view  more  extensive.  The  first  aspect  was 
governed  by  Muybridge's  formulas,  those  for  the  collodion  that 
formed  the  light-sensitive  coating  for  his  glass  plates,  and  for  his 
developer.  In  the  days  of  wet-plate  negatives,  these  formulas 
were  the  personal  equipment  of  every  photographer;  they  varied 
to  suit  the  indivudal's  purpose.  There  were  no  packaged  goods. 

The  Philadelphia  Photographer  carries  many  different  recipes 
during  these  years  for  variations  of  individually  worked-out 
formulas  that  were  suited  to  the  various  practices  of  the 
photographers  who  submitted  them.  The  second  aspect,  the 
drama  of  composition,  is  an  attribute  of  Muybridge's  own 
vision  as  a  photographer.  It  is  governed,  of  course,  by  the 
wide-angle  lens  that  he  chose  to  use,  which  made  the 
backgrounds  recede  and  the  angle  of  vision  expand  to  heighten 
the  view  of  the  Valley  of  the  Yosemite,  a  view  that  is  dramatic 
enough,  just  as  the  eye  sees  it. 

As  a  series,  seen  most  clearly  in  the  large  views,  the 
Muybridge  photographs  offer  a  coverage  of  the  Valley,  its  upper 
rim  and  the  high  glacial  country  surrounding  it  that  had  not 
before  been  presented.  Many  of  the  new  points  of  view  from 
which  Muybridge  took  his  photographs  were  available  to  him 
because  new  trails  had  been  built  by  1872;  earlier 
photographers  could  not  reach  these  viewpoints.  Also, 
Muybridge  dared  more,  and  pushed  himself  farther  than  anyone 
before  him  had  done.  He  was  more  ambitious;  as  Robert  Haas 
says  in  his  preceding  biography,  he  was  "athletic."  He  moved 
around  the  Valley's  floor  systematically,  then  covered  the  high 
ground  with  unprecedented  thoroughness.  In  following 
Muybridge's  work  in  the  large  views,  the  viewer  moves  with 
him,  and  has  recreated  for  him  the  motion  of  a  trip  around  and 
above  the  Yosemite  Valley;  it  is  a  thorough  photographic  tour, 
as  well  as  a  surpassingly  beautiful  one. 

Muybridge  carried  all  three  of  his  different  sized  cameras  on 
this  tour,  making  blA  x  8V2  views  and  stereos  as  well  as  the  large 
views.  As  for  the  smaller  views,  and  especially  the  numerous 
stereos,  they  complement  the  large  ones,  and  are  often  taken 
from  the  same  standpoint.  One  group  of  stereos,  however, 
offers  a  more  intimate  sense  of  the  photographer's  vision.  They 
are  called  "Yosemite  Studies"  (B&R  1408-1479),  and  in  them 
Muybridge  concentrates  on  light  and  shadow,  on  reflections  in 
the  Merced,  the  river  that  runs  through  the  Valley,  and  on 
individual  trees  and  rock  formations.  These  are  comparable  to 
his  earlier  "Studies  of  Trees"  and  "Studies  of  Clouds"  in  their 
focus  on  one  feature  of  the  whole  landscape.  In  them,  as  in  the 
earlier  "Studies,"  Muybridge  made  sketches,  and  identified 
through  his  camera  the  smaller  views  that  he  used  in  the 
composition  of  this  major  landscape  work,  the  18  x  22  in. 
views  of  the  Valley  of  the  Yosemite,  the  High  Sierra  and  the 
Mariposa  Grove  of  Mammoth  Trees. 



The  Modoc  War 

albumen  prints  from  wet-plate  collodion  glass  negatives 

Thirty-one  stereos,  each  frame  3  1/8x3  in.  (B&R  1601-1631.) 
Mounted  on  cards  for  the  stereoscope 

Published  by  Bradley  &  Rulofson,  San  Francisco,  1873 

Stereos  from  the  series  selected  for  the  exhibition  are  from  the 
collections  of  Robert  B.  Haas,  Nancy  and  Beaumont  Newhall 
and  the  California  Historical  Society,  San  Francisco 

From  November,  1872,  when  a  small  group  of  Modoc  Indians 
moved,  at  gunpoint,  from  their  settlement  at  Lost  River, 
Oregon,  to  the  natural  fortifications  of  the  Lava  Beds,  until 
June,  1873,  fifty-two  Modoc  warriors  held  out  against 
one-thousand  Army  troops,  seventy-eight  Warm  Spring  Indian 
Scouts,  and  a  company  of  Oregon  Volunteers.  The  band  of 
Modocs,  under  the  leadership  of  Captain  Jack,  defied  the 
Government's  telegraphed  orders  to  the  Oregon  Indian  Agent  to 
remove  them  to  the  reservation  in  Oregon,  where  a  large 
number  of  Modocs  had  lived  since  1864  in  submissive 
proximity  to  their  ancient  enemies,  the  Klamath  Indians.  The 
defeat  of  the  rebellious  Modocs  was  hastened  by  the  defection 
of  four  of  their  warriors  to  the  Army;  the  history  of  the  war  is 
one  of  betrayal  and  close-range  murder  on  both  sides.  For  the 
Indians,  the  result  of  it  was  reprisal  and  submission  to  the 
Government's  demands. 

Muybridge,  in  1881  [see  Documents,  E],  described  his 
coverage  of  this  war,  which  was  fought  in  the  rocky  caverns 
and  fissures  of  the  Lava  Beds,  south  of  Tule  Lake,  near  the 
California  border  with  Oregon: 

".  .  .  Mr.  Muybridge  was  dispatched  to  the  front  during  the 
Modoc  war,  and  the  wide  spread  and  accurate  knowledge  of  the 
topography  of  the  memorable  Lava  Beds  and  the  country 
round-about,  and  of  the  personnel  of  he  few  Indians  who,  with 
the  bravery  at  least  of  the  classic  three  hundred,  defied  and 
fought  the  army  of  the  Union,  is  due  chiefly  to  the 
innumerable  and  valuable  photographs  taken  by  him." 

Muybridge's  coverage  of  the  war  included  photographs  of 
Army  regulars,  Warm  Spring  Indian  Scouts,  the  wounded  being 

brought  in  after  an  engagement,  panoramas  of  the  Army  camp 
on  the  shores  of  Tule  Lake,  Modoc  women  who  were  taken 
prisoner,  and  views  of  the  Lava  Beds  after  the  removal  of  the 
Indian.  A  photograph  by  him  published  as  "A  Modoc  Brave" 
was  later  identified  as  the  Warm  Spring  Scout  Loa-Kum  Ar-nuk. 
He  claimed  that  he  went  as  a  Government  photographer,  and 
copies  of  his  photographs  of  the  series  are  available  from  U.S. 
National  Archives.  But  he  was  accompanied  by  a  correspondent 
of  the  San  Francisco  Bulletin,  and  published  his  views  through 
Bradley  &  Rulofson,  so  it  is  possible  that  he  went  on  an 
independent  commercial  venture,  as  the  English  photographer 
Robert  Fenton,  for  instance,  had  gone  to  the  Crimean  War  as  a 
pioneer  photographer  of  war  in  1855. 12 

At  least  one  other  photographer  was  present  at  Tule  Lake, 
judging  from  scenes  of  the  war  reproduced  as  engravings  in 
Harper's  Weekly  and  the  Illustrated  London  News  in  June, 
1873.  Fifteen  of  the  thirty-one  Muybridge  photographs  were 
reproduced  in  halftone  in  a  book  published  in  1914  by  the  son 
of  Tobey  (Modoc  name,  Wi-ne-ma)  and  Frank  Riddle,  who 
served  as  interpreters  at  the  ill-fated  Peace  Council  of  11  April 
1873.  It  is  from  this  extraordinary  volume,  The  Indian  History 
of  the  Modoc  War,  with  its  illustrations  from  the  Muybridge 
stereographs,  that  the  bitter  story  of  the  Indians'  months  of 
suicidal  defiance  of  the  vastly  more  powerful  and  numerous 
Army  forces  can  be  fully  gathered. 


Opposite : 

Warm  Spring  Indian  Scouts  in  Camp  B&R  1628 
Collection  Beaumont  Newhall 

"A  Modoc  Warrior  on  the  War  Path ' 
Collection  Robert  B.  Haas 

B&R  1626 

Above : 

Tule  Lake,  Camp  South,  from  the  Signal  Station 

B&R  1608-09 

California  Historical  Society 

The  School  for  the  Deaf  and  Blind,  Berkeley.  Built  in  1868,  destroyed  by  fire  in  1875. 
Brandenburg  Album,  p.  65;  blA  x  7  7/8  in. 


A  West  Coast  Anthology:  The  Brandenburg  Album  of  Bradley  & 
Rulofson  "Celebrities"  and  Muybridge  Photographs 

Albumen  prints  from  wet-plate  collodion  glass  negatives  of 
portraits  taken  in  Bradley  &  Rulofson's  San  Francisco  studios, 
and  of  copy  photographs  and  views  taken  by  Muybridge 
between  1867  and  1873;  128  pp.,  13  x  IC/2  in. 

84  studio  portraits,  6  x  4  in.  and  full  page 

328  Muybridge  photographs,  from  plates  ranging  from  full  stereo 
(3V2  x  8V2  in.)  to  20  x  24  in.  (cut  to  fit  the  album  page)  13 

Original  album,  Collection  Stanford  University  Museum  of  Art; 
copy  negatives  and  study  prints,  Collection  California  Historical 
Society,  San  Francisco.  Selections  from  the  original  album  are 
on  view  in  the  exhibition 

This  album  is  named  in  honor  of  Mr.  Melford  F.  Brandenburg, 
of  Sebastopol,  California,  who  rescued  it  from  a  second-hand 
shop     some     twenty     years     ago.     It     contains     engravings, 

chromolitho  prints  and  photographs studio  portraits  of  actors 

and  actresses,  singers  and  acrobats,  taken  by  the  various 
photographic  artists  of  Bradley  &  Rulofson's  Gallery,  and  views 
taken  by  Muybridge  in  and  near  San  Francisco,  on  the  Pacific 
Coast,  in  Alaska,  Utah,  the  Yosemite  Valley,  the  High  Sierra 
and  the  Mariposa  Grove  between  1867  and  1873.  There  are 
fifteen  copy  photographs  of  drawings,  lithographs  and 
architectural  plans  also  made  by  Muybridge. 

This  is,  possibly,  an  album  kept  by  Muybridge's  wife,  Flora 
Stone  Muybridge  (d.  1875).  This  is  conjecture,  but  the 
inclusion  of  studio  portraits  of  theater  people,  for  whom  she  is 
known  to  have  had  an  affinity,  along  with  the  Muybridge  views, 
suggests  the  possibility.  They  were  married  in  1870  or  1871;  she 
is  said  by  Robert  Haas  to  have  made  the  floral  arrangements  for 
Bradley  &  Rulofson,14  so  the  prints  would  have  been  readily 
available  to  her.  In  the  spring  of  1874,  she  bore  a  son  whose 
paternity  was  questioned.  Muybridge  murdered  Major  Henry 
Larkyns,  theater  critic  and  man  about  town,15in  October,  1874; 

■"     '  -  * 


yyi  >' 

4  v| 



mBSu                                 V   ^E 

Point  Reyes,  to  the  lighthouse 
Brandenburg  Album,  p.  56 

this  separated  him  and  his  wife  forever.  The  circumstances  of 
their  lives  correspond  to  those  dates  we  can  gather  from  the 
photographs  in  the  album. 

The  early  date  for  the  album  is  from  a  photograph  on  p. 
147,  C,16  which  is  a  vignette  of  the  same  negative  that  appears 
as  photographs  No.  VI  in  J.S.  Hittell's  early  guidebook  [see 
entry  above  on  Muybridge's  Yosemite  photographs] .  The  date 
of  the  latest  photograph  in  the  album  is  arrived  at  by 
comparing  Muybridge  numbers,  scratched  in  pen  in  the  center 
of  a  stereo  negative,  with  the  subjects.  The  set  of  stereo  views 
on  p.  57,  of  the  SS  Costa  Rica  aground  (numbers  1659,  1661 
and  1657)  were  taken  on  or  after  18  September  1873,  when 
the  steamer  foundered  at  the  entrance  to  San  Francisco  Bay.17 


Stereo  views,  Brandenburg  Album,  p. 104: 

U.C.  Berkeley; 

"Falls  of  the  Yosemite"      B&R  1488 

Temple  Peaks,  Monastery  Valley       B&R  1511 

Yosemite  Studies       B&R  1456 

A  Bradley  &  Rulofson  "Celebrity" 

Uniform  Peak,  Monastery  Valley       B&R  1520 

Tuolumne  River       B&R  1528 

Yosemite  Studies      B&R  1408 

Mount  Dana  from  Tuolumne  Meadows      B&R  1524 

Brandenburg  Album,  p.  67;  5J/4  x  8  1/8  in. 

Brandenburg  Album,  p.  63;  5V2  x  8V4  in. 

But  these  dates  may  be  eventually  superceded  by  a  search  of 
the  trade  of  the  Vasco  de  Gama,  which  appears  alongside  a 
wharf  in  photograph  A,  p.  129.  The  ship  was  built  in  Scotland 
in  1873,  and  chartered  by  the  Pacific  Mail  Steamship  Company 
in  1875.  If  she  did  not  call  at  San  Francisco  before  her  charter, 
then  we  must  throw  the  above  conjecture  about  the  album's 
maker  overboard.  Even  so,  another  tantalizing  question  is 
raised:  Was  this  the  ship  that  took  Muybridge  to  Panama  in 
March  of  1875? 

Whatever  the  personal  history  of  the  album  may  be,  it 
contains  most  of  the  work  in  all  sizes  that  Muybridge  did 
during  these  years.  Of  his  documentary  work,  it  is  lacking  "The 
Missions  of  California,"  "The  Modoc  War"  series,  of  spring 
1873,  and  "The  State  Prison  at  San  Quentin,"  which,  according 
to  Muy bridge's  numbering  system,  was  produced  immediately 
after  the  views  of  the  Costa  Rica  wreck. 

The  album,  with  its  strange  joining  of  the  chosen  celebrities 
and  the  Muybridge  landscape  and  other  views  (a  grimacing  actor 
cheek-by-jowl  with  a  Yosemite  meadow),  is  a  forceful  portrait 
of  Northern  California  of  the  period:  men  gathering  guano 
on  the  Farallone  Island  rocks;  Miss  Ella  Chapman  posing  for  the 
portrait  that  will  be  published  on  the  cover  of  the  latest  song 
hit,  "Eureka"  Clog  Dance;  a  yacht  race  on  San  Francisco  Bay; 
the  stuffed  tigers  and  the  conservatories  at  Woodward's 
Gardens;  an  actor  garbed  for  the  role  of  Hercules;  views  of  the 
Point  Bonita  and  Point  Reyes  lighthouses,  of  the  "Eureka  Cut 
Between  Shady  Run  and  Alta,  Looking  West,"  and  many  of  the 
Yosemite  series,  including  one  of  Muybridge  himself,  romping 
in  the  snow  on  "The  Ascent  to  Cloud's  Rest."19  The  album  is, 
as  well,  an  extraordinary  record  of  the  work  that  Muybridge 
did  on  the  West  Coast  with  both  stereo  and  large-view  cameras 
up  to  his  departure  for  Panama  in  March  of  1875. 

The  portraits  are  given  the  central  positions  on  the  pages, 
while  the  Muybridge  prints  are  pasted  in  around  them,  out  of 
chronological  order,  not  consistently  related  in  subject,  stereo 
views  cut  in  half  and  appearing  on  separate  pages,  and  so  on. 
The  large  Yosemite  views,  which  would  not  fit  on  the  pages  of 
this  "Scrapbook"  are  cut  into  details  that  would  fit.  The 
Muybridge  views  also  include  single  stereos,  cut  to  3!4  in. 
square,  uncut  stereos,  3V&  x  8V2  in.  (varying  in  both 
dimensions),  and  single  views  6  x  9  in.  (also  varying  slightly  in 
both  dimensions).  The  prints  are  a  warm,  rich  brown,  which 
can  only  be  approximated  today  by  toning.  The  paper  is  thin, 
with  a  smooth,  slightly  gloss  surface. 

The  studio  portraits  must  correspond  to  those  listed  in 
Bradley  &  Rulofson's  Celebrity  Catalogue,  San  Francisco,  1878, 18 
in  which  the  Gallery  boasted  that  it  held  photographic 
negatives  of  "everyone  of  any  note  that  has  visited  California 
since  1849."  The  list  of  notables  appeared  under  the  headings: 
"The  Federal  Government,  Hayes,  Grant,  Lincoln,  Governors, 
Congressmen,  Mayors,  Nobility,  His  Royal  Majesty  the  King 
Kalakaua,  Hawaii,  His  Grace  the  Duke  of  Manchester,  Italy, 
India,  Germany,  France,  Army  &  Navy,  The  Law,  Clergy, 
Masonic,  Newspaper  Fraternity,  Scientists,  Authors,  Poets  & 
Lecturers,  Mark  Twain,  Prof.  Agassiz.  .  .  Charles  Dickens,"  etc. 
But  the  maker  of  the  Brandenburg  Album  omitted  these 
dignitaries,  and  chose  to  include  only  theater  people,  the 
"Theatrical  Managers  &  Agents,  Actors  &  Actresses.  .  . 
Acrobats,  Magicians,  Phrenologists,  Spiritualists,  Musicians." 

The  Ascent  to  Cloud's  Rest    B&R  1346 


"Volcan  Queszaltenango,  "  Guatemala 

Rare  Books  and  Special  Collections,  Stanford  University  Libraries 


The  Pacific  Coast  of  Central  America  and  Mexico,  The  Isthmus 
of  Panama;  Guatamala;  and  the  Cultivation  and  Shipment  of 
Coffee,  Illustrated  by  Muybridge,  San  Francisco,  1876 

Albumen  prints  from  wet-plate  collodion  glass  negatives 

"Over  two-hundred  views,"  6  x  9  in.  (varying  in  both 
dimensions),  including  twenty  views  of  the  coffee  industry,  a 
"panorama  of  Guatamala;  taken  from  Carmen  Hill  and 
consisting  of  11  views,"  and  others20 

Over  one-hundred  and  twenty-five  stereos 
Stereographs  published  in  Panama,  1877 

Rare  Books  and  Special  Collections,  Stanford  University 
Libraries,  holds  two  bound  albums  of  6  x  9  in.  views,  mounted 
on  tinted  boards  9  3A  x  13V4  in.  Copy  negatiyes  and  prints  have 
been  made  from  selected  prints  in  the  albums  by  the 
photographer  Leo  Holub.  Stereographs  from  the  Panama  series 
in  the  exhibition  are  from  the  collection  of  the  Stanford 
University  Museum  of  Art 

The  Panama  Star  for  10  March   1875  is  "pleased  to  welcome  to 
this  city  Mr.  Muybridge,"  and  further  notes: 

"We  have  no  doubt  Mr.  Muybridge  will  find  around  Panama 
many  views  worthy  of  his  peculiar  photographic  talent,  and 
which  will  command  a  prominent  place  among  the 
extra-tropical  landscapes  with  which  he  has  already  enriched  art 
galleries  and  expensive  illustrated  publications  in  the  United 

The  views  that  Muybridge  made  of  the  ruined  churches  of 
Old  Panama,  of  the  city's  harbor,  of  landscapes  near  the  coffee 
plantations  of  Antiqua,  and  the  half-clad  workers  bathing  in 
tropical  streams,  extend  his  reputation  as  an 
"artist-photographer,"  already  confirmed  in  his  earlier  series  of 
Yosemite  and  the  High  Sierra.  Muybridge  says  in  his  prospectus 
that  the  phtographs  were  "executed  by  instruction  from  the 
Pacific  Mail  Steamship  Company."  While  he  bows  to  the  stated 

necessity  of  producing  a  series  of  views  that  would  satisfy  the 
company's  requirements,  he  clearly  had  his  own  goal: 

"The  object  of  the  Company  in  having  these  views  executed, 
was  to  stimulate  commercial  intercourse,  by  exhibiting  to  the 
Merchant  and  Capitalist  in  a  convenient  and  popular  manner 
the  ports,  and  facilities  of  commerce  of  a  country  which 
presents  such  vast  fields  of  profitable  enterprize;  and  the 
principal  industries  of  a  people  with  whom  until  recently  we 
have  had  comparatively  little  intercourse.  And  at  the  same  time 
to  gratify  the  tourist  and  lovers  of  the  picturesque  with  a 
glimpse  of  the  wonderfully  beautiful  scenes  that  have  hitherto 
remained  unexplored."22 

Muybridge  offered  subscribers  one-hundred  and  twenty 
photographs  from  the  series  for  $100.  Whether  he  had  been 
commissioned  by  the  Pacific  Mail  was  disputed  in  1920  by  Mr. 
H.C.  Peterson,  Curator  of  the  Stanford  Museum,23  who  also 
gave  then  the  following  information  about  the  dispersal  of  the 

".  .  .Muybridge  had  made  up  five  bound  sets  of  selected 
views.  One  he  gave  to  Mrs.  Stanford,  one  to  Frank  Shay,  for 
many  years  [1879-1882]  Sen.  Stanford's  private  secretary,  one 
to  Mr.  Schrewin,  Pres.  of  the  P.M.S.S.  Co.,  one  to  Prendergast 
[W.W.  Pendegast],  and  one  to  Mr.  Johnston,  the  latter  two 
being  the  attorneys  who  defended  him  in  the  Larkyns  affair. 

"Mrs.  Stanford's  copy  was  destroyed  in  the  S.F.  Fire  of 
1906  [the  earthquake  of  18  April  1906  was  followed  by  a  fire 

that     destroyed     the     Stanford     San     Francisco     home] the 

Prendergast  [Pendegast]  copy  has  disappeared  [now  in  the 
California  State  Library  at  Sacramento],  Mr.  Schrewin's  copy  is 
still  in  his  possession  [this  may  be  the  copy  now  in  the 
Museum  of  Modern  Art,  New  York],  ab  is  also  the  Johnston 
copy  in  possession  of  Mr.  Johnston  [this  is  one  of  the  copies  at 

"This  copy  was  presented,  at  my  suggestion,  to  Stanford 
University  by  Mr.  Frank  Shay  in  1915. 

"The  original  negatives  were  destroyed  by  a  fire  a  few  weeks 
after  these  albums  were  made.  As  a  consequence,  there  exists 
today   but   these   four  bound  volumes  .  .  . 

The  Johnston  copy,  inscribed  to  him  by  Muybridge,  contains 
fifty-nine  mounted  photographs;  the  Shay  copy,  from  which 
this  inscription  is  quoted,  contains  one-hundred  and  forty-four, 
including  a  photographic  title  page  similar  to  the  composite  of 
Muybridge  views  Bradley  &  Rulofson  put  out  as  an  advertising 
card    in    1873.    In    both    copies,    the    views   are   identified   by 


Ruins  of  "Church  of  Conception,  "  Antiqua 

Rare  Books  and  Special  Collections,  Stanford  University  Libraries 

Baranca  at  Las  Nubes,  Guatamala 

Rare  Books  and  Special  Collections,  Stanford  University  Libraries 

Cemetary,  City  of  Guatamala 

Rare  Books  and  Special  Collections,  Stanford  University  Libraries 

Muybridge's  handwritten  titles  beneath  them 



The  Central  America  series  won  Muybridge  the  gold  medal 
at  the  Eleventh  Industrial  Exhibition,  San  Francisco,  1876.  The 
jurors  cited  his  previously  known  "judicious  selection  of 
subjects,  artistic  taste  and  skillful  manipulation"  and  said  of  the 
photographs:  "These  last  productions  of  his  camera  surpass  all 
his  previous  efforts,  and  their  examination  renders  it  difficult  to 
believe,  that  with  our  present  knowledge  and  taste, 
photography  can  make  much  further  progress  toward  absolute 


The  tropical  landscape  of  Central  America  had  not,  by  1875, 
been  unexplored,  as  Muybridge  claimed.  Among  the  painters  of 
California  landscape  who  had  worked  in  the  tropics  by  that 
time  was  Norton  Bush  (1834-1894),  an  artist  well-known  to 
Muybridge  (Bush  had  subscribed  to  his  early  Yosemite  series), 
who  was,  in  fact,  in  Peru  by  the  fall  of  1875,  before 
Muybridge's  return  to  San  Francisco  in  late  November  or 
December  of  that  year. 26  Bush  had  visited  Panama  in  the  fall  of 
1868,  sketching  the  lakes  and  rivers  of  the  country,  and  making 
other  studies  which  he  developed  into  larger  paintings  when  he 
returned  to  California.  His  work  in  the  tropics  was  so 
well-known  that  when  he  returned  in  1870  to  New  York,  his 
native  state,  and  opened  a  studio  in  New  York  City,  he  was 
known  as  "California'  Tropical  Painter."27 

The  point  that  Muybridge  was  making,  though,  was  that 
there  had  been  little  photographic  representation  of  the  tropics 
available  in  San  Francisco.  In  that  tropical  landscape,  to  which 
he  traveled  immediately  after  his  acquittal,  Muybridge  produced 
photographs  intensely  romantic  in  mood;  even  those  in  the 
so-called  documentary  series  of  the  coffee  industry  convey  the 
strength  of  this  strangeness  of  feeling;  it  is  more  than  a 
response  to  a  landscape  that  was  strange  to  the  English-born 
photographer.  The  inclusion  of  figures  in  the  foreground  is 
more  stated  than  in  the  Yosemite  photographs,  and  the 
manipulation  of  cloud  effects  and  moonlight  effects,  especially 
in  the  6  x  9  in.  views,  more  theatrical  (more  effective)  than 
that  seen  in  his  earlier  work. 

Panoramas  of  San  Francisco  from  the  California  Street  Hill 

albumen  prints  from  wet-plate  collodion  glass  negatives 

Two  panoramas  of  eleven  panels,  each  approximately  7  3/8 
x  8  1/4  in.,  mounted  on  cloth  and  accordian-bound 
between  covers,  the  whole  panorama  7  ft.  6  in.  long. 

One  panorama  of  thirteen  panels,  each  20  1/2  x  16  in., 
mounted  on  cloth  and  accordian-bound  between  covers,  the 
whole  panorama  17  ft.  4  in. 

Copyright  1877  by  Muybridge;  published  by  Morse's  Gallery, 
San  Francisco 

The  thirteen-panel  panorama  in  Rare  Books  and  Special 
Collections,  Stanford  University  Libraries,  was  presented  to 
"Mrs.  Leland  Stanford,  with  compliments  of  the  Artist,  1878." 
It  has  been  copied  on  8  x  10  in.  negatives  by  the  photographer 
Leo  Holub  and  printed  in  its  original  size  for  the  exhibition  by 
General  Graphic  Services  of  San  Francisco 

Early  in  January  of  1877,  Muybridge  set  up  his  camera  on  the 
tower  roof  of  the  residence  that  Mark  Hopkins  was  building  at 
the  corner  of  California  and  Mason  Streets  in  San  Francisco  to 
record  the  city,  its  sweep  of  Bay  and  surrounding  hills  in  a  360 
degree  view,  the  most  complete  panorama  of  San  Francisco  that 
had  ever  been  made.  This  was  Muybridge's  first  published  work 
after  his  Panama  series.  In  carrying  it  out,  he  again  claimed  San 
Francisco  as  his  photographic  territory. 

Muybridge  had  been  interested  in  taking  panoramic  views 
from  the  beginning  of  his  photographic  career.  29  A  number  of 
his  less  ambitious  San  Francisco  panoramas  from  the  late  1860s 
and  early  1870s  are  found  in  the  collection  of  Bancroft 
Library,  and  a  simple  north,  east,  south  and  west  series  from 
the  roof  of  a  three-story  building  is  in  the  Collection  of  the 
Wells  Fargo  History  Room,  San  Francisco.  He  even  made 
panoramic  views  during  the  Modoc  War,  of  the  Army  camp  on 
the  shores  of  Tule  Lake,  "from  the  Signal  Station."  His  Panama 


Panels  three  though  six  of  the  thirteen-part  panorama  of  San  Francisco 
Rare  Books  and  Special  Collections,  Stanford  University  Libraries 

photographs     had     included     an     eleven-panel     panorama     of 
Guatamala,  "taken  from  Carmen  Hill." 

The  city  offered  a  perfect  site  for  a  panoramic  view. 
Daguerreotypists  had  found  it  so  in  the  days  of  the  Gold  Rush; 
there  are  at  least  eight  daguerreotype  panoramas,  of  from  two 
to  six  panels,  dating  from  1850  to  1853.30The  first  view  from 
Nob  Hill,  Muybridge's  vantage  point,  was  taken  in  early  1851, 
and  the  view  from  that  point,  as  it  was  settled,  soon  became 
favored  over  Rincon  Point,  which  earlier  daguerreotypists  had 
chosen.  The  Alta  California,  attempting  to  convey  the  enormity 
of  the  scope  of  Muybridge's  1877  panorama  used  the  analogy 
of  "a  small  ant  wishing  to  get  a  comprehensive  view  of  a 
painted  Japanese  dinner  plate,"  and  climbing  on  a  thimble  to 
do  so.  A  sort  of  census  report  underscored  the  Alta's 
appreciation  of  the  Muybridge  panorama  ".  .  .  it  may  safely  be 
said  that  the  homes  of  more  than  quarter  of  a  million  people 
within  this  saucer-like  panorama,  50  miles  long  and  15  wide, 
are  distinctly  visible  from  the  corner  of  California  and  Mason 
Streets,  381  feet  above  ordinary  high  tide. 


The  thirteen-panel  panorama  was  taken  in  the  spring  or  early 
summer  of  the  year.  Muybridge  started  at  about  11  a.m.,  and, 
probably  with  the  help  of  an  assistant,  made  each  section  in  a 
matter  of  fifteen  minutes.  The  seventh  panel  from  the  left  was 
taken  last;  it  is  a  second  shot  of  a  section  that  was  not 
successful  on  the  first  try.  He  used  a  40-in.,  or  near  telephoto, 
lens,  which  determined  the  number  of  20  in. -wide  glass 
negatives  needed  to  make  the  complete  circle.  He  had  chosen 
the  day  for  the  execution  of  the  panorama  carefully;  the 
shadows  are  sharp,  and  the  atmosphere  clear. 

A  key,  which  names  buildings  worthy  of  particular  note,  was 
published  by  Muybridge  for  the  second  eleven-part  panorama. 
Muybridge  thus  provided,  by  photographic  and  literal 
documentation,  the  most  comprehensive  physical  record  that 
exists  of  San  Francisco  in  its  "Golden  Era,"  giving  us  a 
knowledge  of  it  as  it  would  never  be  again  after  the  earthquake 
and  fire  of  18  April  1906. 


Copy  photographs  of  paintings  by  Norton  Bush 

albumen  prints  from  wet-plate  collodion  glass  negatives 

Twenty-one  prints,   11   1/2  x  19  3/4  in.,  mounted  on  boards 
18  x  26  in. 

Published  by  Morse's  Gallery,  San  Francisco,  and  exhibited  at 
the  San  Francisco  Art  Association  Galleries,  1877 

Copy  Photograph  of  a  painting  of  Occident  by  John  Koch 

albumen  print  from  wet-plate  collodion  glass  negative 

4  x  8-1/2  in.,  mounted  on  a  5-1/4  x  8-1/2  in.  card. 

Copyright,    1877,    as    an    "automatic    electro-photograph"    by 
Muybridge;  published  by  Morse's  Gallery,  San  Francisco 

The  example  in  the  exhibition  of  the  series  of  copy 
photographs  of  Norton  Bush's  paintings  of  Peru,  Mount  Meiggs, 
Andes  of  Peru  (1876)  is  from  the  collection  of  Robert  B.  Haas. 
The  copy  photograph  of  the  Koch  painting  and  the  painting 
itself  are  in  the  collection  of  the  Stanford  University  Museum 
of  Art. 

A  substantial  part  of  Muybridge's  professional  work  was  given 
over  to  photographic  copying — of  architectural  plans, 
documents,  drawings  and  paintings.  There  are  fifteen  copy 
photographs  in  the  Brandenburg  Album  from  the  years  1867  to 
1873.  Muybridge's  advertising  card  for  Bradley  &  Rulofson  of 
1873  was  a  copy  of  a  collage  of  his  own  photographs  combined 
with  studio  portraits  and  type  proofs,  as  was  his  introductory 
page  to  the  Central  America  album.  (In  his  advertising  card  for 
Pacific  Rolling  Mills,  he  had  created  a  really  photographic 
collage,  combining  a  photograph  of  the  mill  workers  with  an 
arrangement  of  their  product.) 

In  1876  and  early  1877  Muybridge  put  his  skill  in  this  line 
at  the  service  of  the  painter  Norton  Bush,  copying  the 
twenty-one  paintings  Bush  had  produced  from  sketches  made  in 


Peru  in  1875.32  When  the  paintings  were  exhibited  at  the 
galleries  of  the  San  Francisco  Art  Association  in  February  of 
1877,  the  Muybridge  photographic  copies  were  hung  with  them. 
Bush  made  presentations  of  the  copies  of  his  paintings;  Mount 
Meiggs,  in  the  exhibition,  is  inscribed  by  him  to  "W.  C.  Bartlett, 
Esq.,  With  compliments  of  the  Artist." 

The  photographic  copy  of  the  painting  of  Occident  by  Morse's 
retoucher  John  Koch33is  another  sort  of  work.  Muybridge  passed 
it  off  as  an  "automatic  electro-photograph."  Upon  its 
publication,  he  announced  in  a  letter  to  the  Alta  California  that 
it  was  "slightly  retouched,  in  accordance  with  the  best 
photographic  practice."  The  press  received  it,  with  one 
exception  (see  "Eadweard  Muybridge,  1830-1904"),  as  a 
wonder  in  photography,  and  the  judges  of  the  Twelfth 
Industrial  Exhibition  of  1877  awarded  it  a  medal: 

"E.     J.     Muybridge Instantaneous     Photograph     of    the 

Race-horse  "Occident."  The  negative  of  this  photograph  was 
executed  for  Hon.  Leland  Stanford,  the  owner,  while  the  horse 
was  trotting  at  the  rate  of  2:40  [2:30  on  the  published  card] 
or  about  thirty-six  feet  in  a  second.  As  an  illustration  of  the 
marvelous  resources  of  photography,  this  is  a  wonderful 
production,  the  duration  of  the  exposure  having  been  less  than 
the  one- thousandth  part  of  a  second  [Muybridge  claimed  the 
two-thousandth  part  of  a  second].  This  can  be  determined  with 
tolerable  accuracy  by  the  fact  that  the  whip  in  the  hand  of  the 
driver  is  as  sharp  as  if  photographed  while  motionless."34 

The  Stanford  Museum  holds  the  painting  from  which  the 
published  photograph  was  copied.  Examination  of  it  by  X-ray 
and  infra-red  photography  reveals  no  underlying  photograph. 
Only  the  face  of  the  driver  is  a  photograph,  carefully  trimmed 
and  affixed  to  the  surface  of  the  painting. 

The  copy  photograph  of  the  Koch  painting,  which  we 
assume  to  have  been  made  from  a  lantern-slide  projection  of  an 
indistinct  photograph  by  Muybridge,  tells  us  several  things 
about  the  state  of  the  Stanford/Muybridge  study  of  animal 
locomotion  in  1877.  The  first,  and  most  important,  is  that 
Muybridge  did  not  yet  have  lenses  fast  enough  to  take  a 
photograph  that  would  satisfactorily  record  the  horse  in 
motion.  He  was  able  at  this  time  to  catch  an  image  that  would 
be  accurate  enough  for  Stanford  to  interpret,  but  would  not  be 
acceptable  to  the  public.  He  and  Stanford  were  shortly  to  order 
the    lenses    they    needed    for    their    work    from    the    famous 

:      M-OTI 

Muybridge's  published  photograph 
The  Koch  painting  of  Occident 


lensmaker  John  Henry  Dallmeyer  (1830-1883),  of  London.  We 
also  know  that  in  publishing  this  copy  print  as  an  original 
photograph  for  some  reason  Muybridge  at  this  time  abandoned 
his  often-stated  demands  upon  himself  as  a  technically  superior 
photographer.  But  most  important,  I  believe,  is  that  in  1877, 
judging  from  the  copyright  of  an  "automatic 
electro-photograph,"  Muybridge  had  in  mind  an  electrically 
triggered  system  for  making  successive  instantaneous 
photographs  of  Stanford's  horses. 

The  year  1877  was  evidently  one  in  which  Muybridge  tried  to 
sustain  himself  by  offering  his  skill  as  a  copyist.  In  November 
he  offered  to  the  Board  of  Supervisors  of  Santa  Clara  County, 
in  which  some  of  Stanford's  Palo  Alto  Farm  was  located,  his 
plan  for  copying  the  county  records  [See  Documents,  A].  He 
had  a  precedent  for  this,  in  the  copying  by  Vance's  studio  of 
the  documents  in  the  1858  land  case,  U.S.  vs.  Limantour,  but 
his  suggestion  that  photographic  duplicates  be  made  in  several 
copies  of  more-or-less  routine  documents  seems,  ninety-five 
years  later,  an  advanced  notion. 

Muy bridge's  copy  of  Norton  Bush's  painting 


The  Stanford  San  Francisco  Home  Album 

albumen  prints  from  wet-plate  collodion  glass  negatives 

Forty-one  5  1/2  x  9  in.  views,  including  a  seven-part  panorama 
of  San  Francisco,  mounted  on  boards  7  x  10  1/2  in.,  bound  in 
leather  and  stamped  "Mrs.  Leland  Stanford" 

Rare  Books  and  Special  Collections,  Stanford  University 
Libraries,  holds  the  bound  album  of  prints.  Stanford  University 
Archives  holds  sixty-five  6  x  10  in.  negatives  from  which  the 
photographer  Leo  Holub  made  the  prints  selected  for  the 

The  offices  of  the  Central  Pacific  Railroad  had  been 
moved  from  Sacramento  to  San  Francisco  in  1873,  but  the 
Stanfords'  Italianate  residence  on  Nob  Hill  was  not  completed 
until  1876.  Presumably  the  photographs  were  taken  late  in 
that  year  for  Mrs.  Stanford's  personal  use.  The  house  was  built 
on  a  lot  shared  with  Mark  Hopkins,  on  the  summit  of  the 
California  Street  Hill,  381  feet  above  the  level  of  the  Bay,  a 
pinnacle  for  the  wealthy.  Leland  Stanford,  in  an  interview  given 
to  the  San  Francisco  Chronicle  for  19  May  1875,  "pointed  in 
the  direction  of  his  mansion,  now  being  erected  upon  the 
heights  of  California  street,  and  said  .  .  .'I  shall  hope  to  live  to 
sit  upon  yonder  balcony  and  look  down  upon  a  city  embracing 
in  itself  and  its  suburbs  a  million  of  people  ...  I  shall  see  cars 
from  the  city  of  Mexico,  and  trains  laden  with  the  gold  and 
silver  bullion  and  grain  that  comes  from  Sonora  and  Chihuahua 
on  the  south  and  from  Washington  Territory  and  Oregon  on  the 
north  ...  I  shall  look  out  through  the  Golden  Gate  and  I  shall 
see  fleets  of  ocean  steamers  bearing  the  trade  of  India,  the 
commerce  of  Asia,  the  traffic  of  the  islands  of  the  ocean.  .  .'" 

The  architecture  and  the  furnishings  of  the  residence  were 
appropriate  to  such  a  commanding  view.  The  photographs  in 
the  Stanford  album,  like  those  in  the  similar  album  in  Rare 
Books  and  Special  Collections  of  the  San  Francisco  Public 
Library,  are  titled  in  Mrs.  Stanford's  hand,  and  so  we  know 
that  her  sitting  room  was  "furnished  in  purple  and  gold  satin," 
and  that  it  contained  "a  Statue  of  Mercury  in  bronze." 

Stanford  residence  in  San  Francisco,  the  Painting  Gallery 

None  of  the  Stanford  family  appears  in  either  formal  or 
informal  groupings,  as  they  did  in  the  earlier  Sacramento  home 
photographs.  Instead,  the  Stanford's  growing  collection  of 
painting  and  sculpture  is  emphasized,  and  the  views  are  taken 
to  record  their  increasingly  realized  taste  in  decorative  and  fine 
art,  a  taste  that  was  later  to  be  expressed  in  the  building  of 
Stanford  University,  especially  in  its  Museum  and  Memorial 
Church.  There  is  the  rotunda,  with  its  amber  glass  skylight, 
from  which  mosaics  of  Asia,  America,  Africa  and  Europe  peer 
down  from  their  semicircles  to  the  second  floor  hall;  the 
Pompeian  Room;  the  large  circular  mosaic  of  the  signs  of  the 
zodiac  in  the  entrance  hall,  with  the  marble  statues  of  Morning 
and  Evening  beyond;  and  particularly,  there  is  the  "Picture 
Gallery,"  with  one  of  the  Stanfords'  recent  purchases,  a 
large  landscape  by  William  Keith,  Upper  Kern  River  (1876),  on 
prominent  display.  (This  painting,  now  in  the  collection  of  the 
Stanford  University  Museum,  was  removed  to  the  Museum  in 
1891,  and  so  was  not  destroyed  in  the  fire  that  followed  the 
earthquake  of  18  April  1906.) 

Muybridge  made  a  seven-part  panorama  of  the  city  front 
from  an  upper  balcony  of  the  home,  which  commanded  a  view 
of  the  Bay  of  about  180  degrees.  Mrs.  Stanford's  inscription 
under  one  of  the  views  taken  from  her  hilltop  vantage  point 
personalizes  the  photograph:  "Western  view,  the  Pacific  Ocean 
beyond  the  mountains,  with  Fog  coming  in." 

Stanford  residence,  the  Pompeian  Room 


The  Horse  in  Motion 

albumen  prints  from  wet-plate  collodion  negatives 

"Automatic  Electro-Photograph,  copyright  1878, 
by  Muybridge" 

"Each  series  is  mounted  on  a  card, 
and  illustrates  a  single  stride." 

$2.50  for  the  series  of  six  cards. 

Each  photograph,  4x8  1/4  in.  mounted  on  titled  cards,  with 

analysis  of  the  stride  on  the  reverse  of  each 

Published  by  Morse's  Gallery,  San  Francisco 

The  set  includes: 

Abe  Edgington  trotting  at  8  minute  gait,   11  June  1878 
8  positions.  Intervals:  1/25  sec,  21  in.  Exposure  not  known 

Abe  Edgington  trotting  at  2:24  gait,   15  June  1878 

12  positions.  Intervals:  1/25  sec,  21  in.  Exposure  "about  1/2000 

of  a  second" 

Mahomet  cantering  at  8  min.  gait,   18  June  1878 
6  positions.  Intervals:  1/25  sec,  21  in.  Exposure 
of  a  second" 

'about  1/2000 

Sallie  Gardner  running  at  1 :40  gait,    19  June  1878 

11  positions.  Intervals  1/25  sec,  27  in.  Exposure  "minus  1/2000 
of  a  second."  Retouched 

Occident  trotting  at  2:20  gait,  20  June  1878 

12  positions.  Intervals:  1/25  sec,  21  in.  Exposure  "about 
1/2000  of  a  second." 

Abe  Edgington  walking  at  15  min.  gait,  n.d. 
6  positions.  Intervals:  1/25  sec,  21  in. 

Four  of  the  cards  in  the  set  are  in  the  collection  of  the 
Stanford  University  Museum  of  Art,  and  are  shown  in  the 
exhibition.  The  Museum  also  holds  lantern  slides  made  from  the 
negatives  of  these  and  other  motion  studies  Muybridge  made  in 
1878  and  1879 


Copyright,  1878,  by  MUYBRIDGE. 

Th  e     ff 

O  RS  E      IN 

Illustrated  by 


MORSE'S  Gallery,  417  Montgomery  St.,  San  Francisco. 

OT  I  O  N 

Patent  for  apparatus  applied  for.  MUYBRIDGE.  Automatic  ELECTRO-PH01  OGRAPH. 

'  ABE  EDGINGTON,"  owned  by  LELAND  STANFORD  ;  driven  by  C.  MARVIN,  trotting  at  a  2:24  gait  over  the  Palo  Alto  track,  15th  June.1878. 


The  negatives  of  these  photographs  were  made  at  intervals  of  about  the  twenty-fifth  part  of  a  second  of  time  and  twenty-one  inches  of  disti ;  thi  exposure  oi  each  was  about  the  two-thousandth 

part  of  a  second,  and  illustrate  one  single  stride  of  the  horse.     '1  he  vertical  lines  were  placed  twenty-one  inches  ..part  ;  the  lowest  horizontal  line  represents  the  level  of  the  track, 

the  others  ele 

iht  and  twelve  inches  respei  th  ely.    The  negatii 

itlrely  "untouched." 

Stanford  University  Museum  of  Art 



E  EDGINGTON,"  owned  by  DELANO  STANFORD;  driven  by  C.  MARVIN,  trotting  at  a  2:24  gait  over  the  Palo  Alto  track,  15th  June  1878. 

In  any  series  of  photographs  from  life,  illustrating  the  progressiva  action  of  a  horse, 
the  first  position  must  necessarily  be  entirely  accidental;  the  other-,  if  in  regular 
sequence,  are  contingent  thereto. 

Fig.  1.— In  the  present  series  "  ISE  EDGINGTON"  happened  to  be  opposite  the  first 
Camera,  as  represented  in  Fig  1,  with  Ins  left  foreleg  in  Space  7,  and  right  hind  leg  in 
Space  i,  in  nearly  vertical  positions,  both  pasterns  are  much  bent,  being  nearly  parallel 
with  the  ground.  This  position  of  the  pasterns  seems  necessary  to  enable  the  horse  to 
carry  his  body  at  an  uniform  height  from  the  ground,  and  thus  to  attain  the  greatest 
possible  speed,  without  any  loss  of  power  or  time  by  upward  and  downward  motions. 
The  right  fore  and  left  hind  legs  are  well  bent,  and  in  the  act  of  being  thrust  forward 

PlG.  2. —The  horse  is  exerting  his  greatest  propulsive  force,  by  the  action  of  the 
muscles  of  the  right  hind  leg.  and  the  straightening  of  the  pastern  of  the  left  fore 
leg;  the  right  fore  arm  is  horizontal,  and  the  knee  well  bent,  to  enable  him  to  reach 
out  and  strike  the  ground  at  the  greatest  possible  distance. 

Fie.  3.— The  left  fore  foot  has  left  the  ground,  and  t-he  last  impulse  is  being  given 
by  the  straightening  of  the  pastern  of  the  right  hind  leg. 

Fir;.  4.— The  right  fore  foot  is  reaching  out.  and  the  left,  which  had  left  the  ground, 
in  Space  7,  Fw,.  3,  is  now  well  doubled  up,  in  Space  9.  The  right  hind  foot,  which  seems 
to  have  left  the  ground,  in  Space  ■">,  simultaneously  with  the  exposure  of  the  last 
picture,  is  now  elevated  Hi  inches,  and  the  horse  is  literally  (lying  in  mid-air. 

Fi<;.  5.— The  serial  flight  is  continued.  The  pastern  of  the  right  hind  leg  continues 
much  Pent,  at  the  same  elevation  as  in  Fig.  I.  The  left  forefoot  nearly  strikes  the 
bre.t-  ,  while  the  right  leg  is  perfectly  straight,  with  the  foot  stretched  out  to  strike  the 
groun  1  as  far  forward  as  possible. 

Fi<>.  ©. — The  right  fore  foot  and  left  hind  foot  are  now  upon  the  ground,  and  in 
nearly  the  same  position  as  were  the  left  fore  foot  and  right  hind  foot  in  Fig.  1.  'This 
completes  about  one-half  of  the  stride.  The  right  fore  font  and  left  hind  foot  remain 
on  the  ground  as  long  as  the  horse  can  swing  himself  forward  on  their  leverage,  as 
shown  in  Figs.  1  and  2,  H  and  7. 

Fig.  '7.— The  horse,  with  a  reversal  of  the  position  of  his  legs,  repeats  the  same 
movements,  as  shown  in  Fig.  2  :  the  left  fore  foot  is  now  raised  some  24  inches  above 
the  ground,  and  the  horse  is  repeating  his  motion  of  the  straightening  of  the  pastern 
of  the  right  fore  leg,  while  the  left  hind  pastern    is  nearly  horizontal. 

Fig.  8.— The  right  fore  foot  has  now  left  the  ground,  and  the  left  hind  leg  is  repeat- 
ing the  movement  of  the  right,  as  seen  in  Fig.  3. 

FlG.  9.— The  horse  is  again  in  mid-air.  and  con:  nues  so  in  Fig.  10. 

FlG,  11.—  The  left  forefoot,  which  left  the  ground  in  Space  7,  at  a  time  interven- 
ing between  Figs.  2  and  A.  has  now  again  struck  the  ground  in  Space  IN,  but  the  leg 
has  scarcely  resumed  its  original  vertical  position.  The  right  fore  foot,  which  is  just 
visible  in  Space  7,  Fig.  1,  is  shaded  by  the  left  fore  leg  in  Space  17.  The  right  hind 
foot,  which  left  the  ground,  in  Space  5,  in  the  interval  of  Figs.  3  and  4,  now  touches  in 
Space  lti,  both  pasterns,  as  before,  are  much  bent. 

FlG.  1-S.— The  horse  has  moved  slightly  beyond  the  position  shown  in  Fig.  1.  The 
right  fore  leg  is  thrust  more  forward,  and  the  left  has  passed  beyond  the  vertical.  The 
dark  spot  in  front  of  th«  left  fore  foot  is  the  shadow  of  the  right  fore  leg.  It  is  now 
seen  the  horse  has  completed  something  more  than  one  full  stride. 

By  an  analysis  of  this  stride,  it  will  be  seen  that  the  left  fore  foot  which  left  the  ground 
at  Space  7,  in  the  interval  of  Figs.  2  and  3.  again  strikes  in  Space  1H.  between  Figs.  10  and 
11;  and  the  right  bind  foot  almost  immediately  following,  in  Space  6,  Fig.  3,  again 
strikes  in  Space  IH,  Fig.  11.  As  the  two  feet,  which  move  in  unison,  seem  to  strike  the 
ground  at  the  same  instant,  (see  Figs,  h  and  10.)  the  fore  leg  being  the  shorter,  must  ne- 
cessarily be  raised  first,  and  is  off  the  ground  for  a  longer  time  and  distance  than  the 
hind  leg,  as  shown  in  Figs.  3  and  H,  where  both  for*  feet  and  one  hind  foot  is  lifted, 
and  the  final  propulsive  force  being  exercised  by  the  straightening  of  the  pastern  of  one 
of  the  hind  legs.  The  left  fore  foot  was  therefore  entirely  clear  of  the  ground  for  a  dis- 
tance of  about  8  spaces  of  21  inches,  or  14  feet,  and  the  right  hind  foot,  nearly  as  far. 
The  right  fore  foot  and  left  hind  foot  corresponding  in  their  action,  were,  of  course, 
clear,  for  a  similar  distance.  The  eye  of  the  horse  which,  in  Fig.  1,  is  intersected  by  the 
line  between  Spaces  X  and  9  is,  in  Fig.  11,  where  the  stride  is  nearly  completed,  inter- 
sected by  the  line  between  spaces  IK  and  19,  at  a  distance  of  ID  spaces,  of  21  inches  each. 
Allow  12  inches  for  the  horse  to  attain  the  same  position  as  when  he  started,  and  we 
have  IsU  feet,  the  length  of  the  stride,  by  actual  measurement.  As  each  two  fore  feet 
were  in  the  air  while  the  horse  was  making  a  progress  of  14  feet,  and  rested  only  during 
the  remaining  41*  feet,  completing  the  stride;  and  the  two  hind  feet  were  each,  for  a 
very  brief  interval,  on  the  ground  alone,  it  would  appear  that  a  horse  with  this  stride, 
moving  at  this  speed,  is  entirely  in  the  air  about  one-half  of  the  distance;  and  for  a  brief 
interval  of  the  other  half,  lie  has  one  foot  idone  upon  the  ground.  The  relative  time  that 
a  horse  is  on  and  off  the  ground  is  probably  dependent  upon  his  length  of  limb  and 
stride,  and  rate  of  speed. 

N0f3fz<?AceeS9ifln  No.  £^A  N  DSC  A  PE     AND     ANIMAL'     PHOTOGRAPHER, 

<7^^_        C  .     &  -     ~F~<*^6u<^^do    -  MORSE'S   GALLERY,   417  Montgomery   Street,   San   Francisco,   California. 



OF    1  in- 
Automatic    Electro- Photographic    Apparatus. 

The  following  photographs  are  now  published:  "Oeei'imt"  trotting  at  a  2:20  gait.  12  positions.  " Edgin</ion"  trotting  at  a  2:2)  gait,  12  positions.  "  Edqtngtm  "  trotting  at  an  8 
minute  gait,  8  positions.  *'  Edgiagton"  walking  at  a  li  minute  gait,  6  posit!  01s.  ■  1///,,,.,,  (•'  cantering,  ti  positions.  "Sallk  Gardner"  running  at  a  1 :4l>  gait.  11  positions.  Each  series 
is  mounted  on  a  card,  and  illustrates  a  single  stride.    Tliey  will  he  sent  to  any  part  of  the  world  in  registered  letter,  free  of  postage,  upon  receipt  of  $2.50  for  each  series. 

Arrangements  made  for  I'liotoyraphimj  and  Recording  t!      ■•rtton  of  Horses  in  motion,  in  (Wit/  part  of  the    Worldi 

The  reverse  of  the  Edgington  card 

In  June  of  1878,  the  Stanford/Muybridge  photographic  study 
of  animal  locomotion  really  got  off  the  ground.  In  1877  faster 
lenses  had  been  ordered  from  Dallmeyer  of  London,  and  twelve 
Scoville  cameras  from  the  manufacturer  in  New  York. 
Muybridge  had,  he  said,  achieved  faster  chemical  solutions.  His 
earlier  attempts  to  regulate  the  camera  shutter  mechanically 
were  not  successful,  and  a  set-up  that  used  electricity  to  trip 
the  shutters  had  been  devised.  The  following  quotation  from  an 
article  in  the  San  Francisco  Morning  Call,  a  piece  of  writing 
which  sounds  very  much  like  Muybridge's  own  [compare  the 
style  with  Documents,  E],  gives  the  history: 

"His  [Muybridge's]  first  endeavor  was  to  open  the  slide  of 
the  camera  by  hand  as  the  horse  went  by,  but  this  was  too 
slow  to  give  a  clear  picture;  and  then  a  machine  was  made 
which  would  run  at  a  regular  rate,  and  which  could  be  graded 
to  the  speed  of  the  horse.  This  was  a  very  ingenious 
contrivance,  in  appearance  between  a  clock  and  a  music  box, 
but  the  difficulty  was  to  regulate  the  horse  with  the  machine.  . 
.This  machine  had  to  be  started  by  hand,  so  that  there  were 
two  uncertain  elements  to  interfere.  Could  electricity  be  used, 
and  the  current  be  controlled  exactly  at  the  right  moment,  the 
difficulty  would  be  overcome.  When  Governor  Stanford  drove 
the  last  spike  which  connected  the  Union  and.  Central  Pacific 
Railways,  and  in  a  figurative  sense  united  the  Atlantic  and 
Pacific  Oceans,  though  the  broadest  part  of  the  continent 
intervened,  the  blow  of  the  hammer  was  echoed  by  a  salvo  of 
artillery  from  the  shores  of  the  bay.  The  act  itself  was  the 
herald  which  announced  the  completion  of  the  great  design; 
and,  surely,  if  it  could  thus  be  drove  across  mountains  and 
valleys,  the  same  agency  would  solve  this  portion  of  the 
problem.  But  it  required  a  large  outlay  to  perfect  the 
machinery,  and  involved  the  sending  for  a  portion  of  the  work 
from  England.  It  also  required  time;  but  the  idea,  once 
entertained,  could  not  be  abandoned,  and  the  delay  only 
intensined  [sic]  the  purpose  to  carry  it  to  A  Successful 
Termination."  35 

By  June,  the  electrical  apparatus  was  ready.  On  June  15th, 
representatives  of  newspapers  and  journals,  of  the  world  of  art 
and  of  sports  were  invited  to  Palo  Alto  Farm  to  witness 
successive  exposures  being  made  of  Abe  Edginton  trotting  and 
Sallie  Gardner  running,  and  to  see  the  results,  developed  on  the 
spot.  The  California  Rural  Press  for  22  June  described  the 

"On  one  side  of  the  track  a  large  screen  is  placed,  and  set  at 
an  angle  of  about  20  degrees  from  the  perpendicular,  the  screen 

being  covered  with  white  cloth  and  having  vertical  lines  formed 
across  it  21  inches  apart,  which  show  black  against  the  white 
cloth.  The  spaces  between  these  lines  are  numbered  from  one 
to  twenty  in  conspicuous  black  figures  at  the  top.  At  the 
bottom  is  another  low  white  screen  with  horizontal  lines  four 
inches  apart,  to  show  the  height  of  the  horse's  feet  above  the 
ground.  Powdered  lime  was  sifted  over  the  track  in  front  of  the 
screen  so  as  to  make  a  perfectly  smooth  white  surface,  over 
which  the  horse  was  driven.  On  the  opposite  side  of  the  track 
from  the  screen  a  low  shed  was  erected,  open  in  front,  and  on 
a  bench  or  table  were  placed  12  cameras,  numbered  in  order,  so 
as  to  take  12  views  21  inches  apart.  These  cameras  were  ... 
constructed  with  an  improved  double  slide,  so  that  exposure 
could  be  cut  off  instantly,  one  slide  moving  each  way  across  the 
lens.  The  slides  were  held  open  by  a  catch  connected  with  an 
armature  in  the  side  of  the  camera.  A  battery  of  eight  jars  was 
placed  in  the  shed  and  each  camera  had  an  independent  set  of 
wires.  These  wires  were  led  across  the  track  under  the  ground 
until  within  two  feet  of  the  background  or  screen,  where  they 
were  raised  so  that  one  of  the  sulky  wheels  would  pass  over 
and  strike  them.  The  wires  corresponded  with  the  vertical  lines 
on  the  background,  and  as  the  sulky  wheel  passed  over  the 
wires  the  armature  holding  the  catch  of  each  separate 
instrument  released  the  catch  and  the  slides  cut  off  the 
exposure  of  the  camera  at  the  instant,  so  that  the  photograph 
was  taken  without  any  blur.  As  the  wheel  passed  over  the 
different  wires  the  different  pictures  were  taken,  each  21  inches 
apart,  illustrating  perfectly  the  stride  of  the  horse.  ...  In 
photographing  a  running  horse,  the  wires  could  not  be  used  in 
the  same  way  for  manifest  reasons.  Fine  black  threads  were 
placed  across  the  track,  21  inches  apart,  and  connected  so  that 
the  armatures  would  release  the  slides  as  before."36 

As  for  the  success  of  the  photographs,  the  Press  reporter 
added:  "They  show  .  .  .  the  gait  of  the  horse  exactly,  and  in  a 
manner  before  impossible.  A  long  description  even  would  be 
unintelligible,  while  the  photographs  show  the  whole  stride  at  a 

The  eyewitness  accounts  were  carried  in  the  local  press,  and  on 
27  July  1878,  copied  in  a  brief  note  in  Scientific  American.  By 
October,  this  journal  had  received  prints  of  the  photographs, 
and  reproduced  them  on  the  cover  of  its  19  October  issue.  The 
spread  of  their  fame  can  be  followed  thereafter  in  "Marey, 
Muybridge  and  Meissonier,"  p.85. 


Within  two  weeks  after  the  initial  public  demonstration, 
Muybridge  applied  for  his  patent  on  the  apparatus,  and  by  July 
was  already  on  the  lecture  circuit  with  lantern  slides  of  the 
horse  in  motion,  showing  his  photographs  of  the  horse  with  his 
earlier  ones  of  Yosemite  and  Central  America.  In  Sacramento, 
in  September,  J.M.  Hutchings  accompanied  him,  describing  the 
views  of  Yosemite.  At  these  lectures,  in  which  he  projected 
sixty  illuminated  photographs,  life-size,  showing  the  action  of 
the  horse's  various  gaits,  "Mr.  Muybridge  showed  himself  to  be 
a  clever  and  lucid  lecturer  on  a  very  difficult  subject.  .  ."37  At 
the  Mechanics'  Fair,  in  San  Francisco,  in  August,  he  explained 
"briefly  the  various  pictures  as  they  pass  in  quick  succession 
before  the  gaze  of  the  observer.  .  .  .  Many  of  the  theories 
concerning  rapid  motion  are  dispelled  into  very  thin  air  by 
these  photographs.  The  action  of  the  trotter  in  motion  as 
caught  by  the  camera  is  very  different  to  what  the  artist  usually 
makes  him  appear  on  canvas.  Not  since  the  time  of  the 
Egyptians,  as  Mr.  Muybridge  remarks,  has  the  animal  been 
delineated  as  he  appeared  in  these  negatives.  .  ,"38 

In  the  interval  between  the  high  summer  experiments  of  1878 
and  those  of  1879,  Muybridge  and  Stanford  ordered  twelve 
more  cameras,  and  expanded  the  experimental  setup  to 
accommodate  them.  In  November  of  1878,  the  Alta  California 
had  reported  that  the  instantaneous  pictures  had  "called  out  a 
number  of  letters  from  artists,  anatomists,  horse-fanciers  and 

others,  all  expressing  the  hope  that  other  pictures  of  a  similar 
character  will  be  taken.  A  lecturer  on  anatomy  in  an  art  school 
wants  a  series  showing  the  changes  in  the  position  of  the 
muscles  while  running,  thus  supplying  a  great  want  of  art 
students.  The  movements  of  the  muscles  while  boxing,  or  in 
any  violent  exertion,  can  thus  be  obtained  with  precision,  and 
in  no  other  method."39 

The  experiments  of  summer  1879  included  animals  other 
than  the  horse,  and,  in  August,  man  entered  Muybridge's 
motion-picture  stage.  Stanford  invited  members  of  the  Olympic 
Club  of  San  Francisco  to  perform  before  Muybridge's  cameras, 
and  among  the  successful  results  was  a  series  of  fourteen 
photographs  of  Mr.  Lawton  turning  a  back  somersault.  The 
Chronicle  for  9  August  1879  also  reported  the  use  Stanford 
intended  to  make  of  some  of  the  photographs  of  athletes: 

"After  the  athletic  performances  several  photographs  were 
taken  of  the  athletes  in  various  classic  groupings.  Governor 
Stanford  will  have  each  negative  worked  up  to  a  cabinet-size 
photograph,  and  take  one  of  each  with  him  to  Europe,  where 
he  will  have  two  life-size  oil  paintings  made  of  each. 


By  the  end  of  the  experimental  period  of  1879,  Muybridge 
had  also  expanded  his  method  to  take  synchronized  views  of 
both  men  and  horses  from  four  and  five  different  camera 
positions,  a  technique  that  was  basic  to  his  later  work  at  the 
University  of  Pennsylvania. 

"General  View  of  the  Experiment  Track" 
Photograph  F,  Attitudes  of  Animals  in  Motion, 
Stanford  University  Museum  of  Art 




The  Zoopraxiscope 

Muybridge's  original  machine  for  projecting  in  motion  his 
instantaneous  photographs  is  in  the  Central  Library, 
Kingston-upon-Thames.  A  replica  of  it  is  in  the  Science  Museum, 
London,  and  a  working  zoopraxiscope,  in  which  the  mechanics, 
but  not  the  finishing  materials, were  copied,  is  in  the  International 
Museum  of  Photography,  George  Eastman  House,  Rochester, 
New  York. 

The  copy  in  the  exhibition,  from  the  collection  of  the  Stanford 
University  Museum  of  Art,  was  made  by  the  design  engineer 
David  Beach  from  Muybridge's  description  of  his  machine, 
quoted  below,  and  from  photographs  of  the  original 
zoopraxiscope    at   Kingston-upon-Thames.41 

It  is  probable  that  Stanford  and  Muybridge  intended  to 
synthesize  the  analytical  photographs  even  before  an 
experimental  method  for  taking  them  had  been  devised.  In 
1877,  they  ordered  twelve  cameras  for  the  study;  a  zoetrope 
with  thirteen  slots  uses  twelve  images  to  convey  forward 
motion.42  The  use  of  drawings  of  the  correct  successive 
positions  of  human  locomotion  for  zoetrope  bands  had  been 
suggested  by  Etienne-Jules  Marey  in  1873: 

"Every  one  knows  the  ingenious  optical  instrument  invented 
by  Plateau,  and  called  by  him  'Phenakistoscope.'  This 
instrument,  which  is  also  known  by  the  name  of  Zootrope,43 
presents  to  the  eye  a  series  of  successive  images  of  persons  or 
animals  represented  in  various  attitudes.  When  these  attitudes 
are  co-ordinated  so  as  to  bring  before  the  eye  all  the  phases  of 
a  movement,  the  illusion  is  complete;  we  seem  to  see  living 
persons  moving  in  different  ways.  This  instrument,  usually 
constructed  for  the  amusement  of  children,  generally  represents 
grotesque  or  fantastic  figures  moving  in  a  ridiculous  manner. 
But  it  has  occurred  to  us  that,  by  depicting  on  the  apparatus 
figures  constructed  with  care,  and  representing  faithfully  the 
successive  attitudes  of  the  body  during  walking,  running,  etc., 
we  might  reproduce  the  appearance  of  the  different  kinds  of 
progression  employed  by  man."44 

Stanford,  according  to  Muybridge,  had  read  Marey's  Animal 
Mechanism  closely  [see  "Marey,  Muybridge  and  Meissonier"] .  If 
Stanford  could  think  of  making  instantaneous  photographs  of 
the  horse  in  motion,  the  next  step,  of  making  a  synthesis  of  the 

motion  for  an  existing  instrument,  was  certainly  a  readily 
available  idea.  As  soon  as  The  Horse  in  Motion  series  was 
published,  the  suggestion  of  using  the  photographs  on  bands  for 
the  zoetrope  was  advanced  on  all  sides  [see  "Eadweard 
Muybridge,  1830-1904"]. 

Within  a  month  of  his  success  in  taking  the  series 
photographs  of  the  horse  in  motion,  Muybridge  was  projecting 
them  life-size,  "in  quick  succession"  before  audiences  in 
California.45  The  near-synthetic  effect  of  one  slide  quickly 
succeeding  the  other  must  have  made  him  determine  to  devise  a 
way  to  project  them  in  quick  enough  succession  to  correctly 
reconstitute  the  motion  his  instantaneous  photographs  had 
stopped.  The  synthesis  would  be  absolute  proof  of  his  accurate 
analysis,  as  well  as  an  instructive  entertainment  for  the  public. 

Muybridge's  first  attempt  to  devise  a  machine  that  would 
accomplish  this  was  based  on  Wheatstone's  reflecting 
stereoscope.  This  was  abandoned,  however,  and  he  developed 
the  instrument  that  he  finally  called  the  zoopraxiscope.  His 
description  of  the  process  leading  to  it  appears  in  his  Preface  to 
Animals  in  Motion: 

".  .  .  the  author  arranged,  in  .  .  .  consecutive  order,  on  some 
glass  discs,  a  number  of  equidistant  phases  of  certain 
movements;  each  series.  .  .  illustrated  one  or  more  complete 
and  recurring  acts  of  motion,  or  a  combination  of  them:  for 
example,  an  athlete  turning  a  somersault  on  horseback,  while 
the  animal  was  cantering;  a  horse  making  a  few  strides  of  the 
gallop,  a  leap  over  a  hurdle,  another  few  strides,  another  leap, 
and  so  on;  or  a  group  of  galloping  horses. 

"Suitable  gearing  of  an  apparatus  constructed  for  the 
purpose  caused  one  of  these  glass  discs,  when  attached  to  a 
central  shaft,  to  revolve  in  front  of  the  condensing  lens  of  a 
projecting  lantern,  parallel  with,  and  close  to  another  disc  fixed 
to  a  tubular  shaft  which  encircled  the  other,  and  around  which 
it  rotated  in  the  contrary  direction.  The  latter  disc  was  of 
sheet-metal,  in  which,  near  its  periphery,  radiating  from  its 
center,  were  long  narrow  perforations,  the  number  of  which 
had  a  definite  relation  to  the  number  of  phases  in  the  one  or 
more  lines  of  motion  on  the  glass  disc — the  same  number,  one 
or  two  more,  or  one  or  two  less — according  to  the  sequence  of 
phases,  the  intended  direction  of  the  movement,  or  the 
variations  desired  in  the  apparent  rate  of  speed.46 

"The  discs  being  of  large  size,  small  portions  only  of  their 

surfaces showing  one  phase  of  each  of  the  circles  of  moving 

animals were  in  front  of  the  condenser  at  the  same  instant. 


"For  many  of  the  discs  it  was  found  advisable  to  fill  up  the 
outlines  with  opaque  paint,  as  a  more  convenient  and 
satisfactory  method  of  obtaining  greater  brilliancy  and  stronger 
contrasts  on  the  screen  than  was  possible  with  chemical 
manipulation  only.  In  the  "retouching"  great  care  was 
invariably  taken  to  preserve  the  photographic  outline  intact. 

"To  this  instrument  the  author  gave  the  name  of 
Zoopraxiscope;  it  is  the  first  apparatus  ever  used,  or 
constructed,  for  synthetically  demonstrating  movements 
analytically  photographed  from  life,  and  in  its  resulting  effects 
is  the  prototype  of  all  the  various  instruments  which,  under  a 
variety  of  names,  are  used  for  a  similar  purpose  at  the  present 
day.  .  ." 

The  first  audience  for  the  first  motion  pictures  was  Leland 
Stanford  and  his  family,  who  saw  them  in  their  Palo  Alto  home 
in  the  autumn  of  1879.  [See  Documents,  E.] 

Muybridge's  Zoopraxiscope,  Kingston-upon-Thames 

"To  correct  the  apparent  vertical  extension  of  the  animals 
when  seen  through  the  narrow  openings  of  the  metal  disc  on  its 
revolution  in  such  close  proximity  to,  and  in  the  reverse 
direction  of  the  glass  disc,  the  photographs  on  the  latter, 
after  numerous  experiments,  were  ultimately  prepared  as 

"A  flexible  positive  was  conically  bent  inwards,  and  inclined 
at  the  necessary  angle  from  the  lens  of  the  copying  camera  to 
ensure  the  required  horizontal  elongation  of  the  animal  while 
the  straight  line  of  ground  corresponded  with  the  curvature  of 
the  intended  ground-line  of  the  glass  disc,  towards  the 
periphery  of  which  the  feet  of  the  animals  were  always  pointed. 

"A  negative  was  then  made  of  this  phase,  and  negatives  of 
the  other  phases,  in  the  same  manner.  All  the  negatives  required 
for  that  particular  subject  were  then  consecutively  arranged, 
equidistantly,  in  a  circle,  on  a  large  sheet  of  glass;  if  the  disc 
was  to  include  more  than  one  subject,  the  phases  thereof  were 
arranged  in  the  same  manner,  and  a  transparent  positive  made 
of  them  collectively.  The  glass  support  of  the  resulting  positive 
was  subsequently  cut  into  the  form  of  a  circle,  and  a  hole 
bored  through  the  centre,  for  the  purpose  of  attaching  it  to  the 
inner  shaft  of  the  apparatus.  .  .  .Much  time  and  care  were 
required  in  the  preparation  of  the  discs,  each  figure  having  to 
be  photographed  three  times,  independently,  before  being 
photographed  collectively. 

Several  Nineteenth-century  "Philosophical  Toys," 
Forerunners  of  the  Zoopraxiscope 

The  nineteenth-century  was  avid  for  the  synthesis  of  motion, 
and  a  number  of  so-called  "philosophical  toys"  were  created  to 
present  it.  These  precursors  of  Muybridge's  zoopraxiscope 
depended  upon  successive  poses  that  could  be  observed  with 
the  eye,  or  psoed  for  the  camera.  They  were  available,  as  Marey 
had  noted  in  1873,  for  scientific  use,  and  had,  in  fact,  been 
used  by  M.  Mathais  Duval,  professor  of  anatomy  at  the  Ecole 
des  Beaux-Arts  with  subjects  drawn  after  graphic  notations  of 
human  locomotion. 

The  principle  underlying  all  of  these  nineteenth-century 
devices,  as  William  I.  Homer  noted  in  his  discussion  of  them  in 
an  address  to  the  College  Art  Association  in  1963,  is  the 
phenomenon  of  persistence  of  vision.  When  the  retina  of  the 
eye  is  stimulated  by  images  faster  than  1/10  of  a  second,  the 
illusion  of  continuous  motion  will  result.  The  following 
illustrations  and  descriptive  captions  cite  some  of  these 
nineteenth-century  toys. 

Thaumatrope      1826 

Bird  in  a  Cage.  A  circle  of  carboard  has  related  images  on  both 
sides.  When  it  is  rapidly  twirled,  by  means  of  attached  strings, 
both  images  are  simultaneously  received  by  the  viewer.  In  this 


Thaumatrope    1826 
Phenakistoscope   1832 

case,  the  bird  appears  to  be  inside  the  cage. 
Stroboscope  or  Phenakistoscope     1832 

Simon  Ritter  von  Stampfer,  an  Austrian,  invented  the 
Stroboscope,  and  independently,  in  the  same  year,  the  Belgian 
philospher  and  scientist  Joseph  Plateau  invented  the 
Phenakistoscope.  In  these  two  toys,  a  disk  with  perforated 
slots,  on  one  side  of  which  are  drawings  of  successive 
movement,  is  rapidly  rotated.  To  observe  motion,  the  viewer 
looks  through  the  slots  toward  a  mirror  which  reflects  the 
drawings  on  the  other  side  in  simulated  motion.  The  devices 
were  improved  to  eliminate  the  mirror  by  placing  two 
counter-rotating  disks  on  one  shaft. 

Daedelum,  or  Wheel  of  Life,  later  called  the  Zoetrope      1834 

Although  a  toy  called  the  Daedelum,  or  Wheel  of  Life,  was 
invented  in  1834  by  W.G.  Horner  of  Bristol,  it  did  not  gain 
wide  popularity  until  1867,  when  the  same  device  was  brought 
out  in  the  United  States  under  the  name  of  zoetrope.  The 
zoetrope  turns  the  phenakistoscope  to  the  horizontal;  it  is  a 
slotted  revolving  drum  through  which  the  viewer  peers  to  see 
apparent  movement 

Praxinoscope  1877 

Emile  Reynaud  patented  this  device  in  Paris  in  1877.  It  was  an 
advance  over  the  zoetrope,  for  Reynaud  placed  mirrors  in  the 
center  of  the  drum,  which  reflected  the  images  from  its  interior 
rim.  Thus,  the  viewer  looked  over  the  outer  rim,  and  saw  a 
smoother  motion  than  that  interrupted  by  the  slots  of  the 

The  Praxinoscope  Theater       1878 

Reynaud  improved  on  his  Praxinoscope  in  this  delightful  toy. 
Between  the  viewpoint  and  the  turntable  is  a  place  for  a  scenic 
effect,  which  remains  still,  while  the  figures  in  the  drum  appear 
to  move.  The  theater  came  equipped  with  a  variety  of  scenic 
effects,  from  a  circus  ring  for  acrobats  to  a  snow  scene  for 

The  Magic  Lantern 

Basic     to     Muybridge's    zoopraxiscope,    of    course,    was    the 



Phases  of  the  Eclipse  of  the  Sun,  11  January  1880 

albumen  print  from  wet-plate  collodion  negative 

3    1/4x4    1/4  in.,  mounted  on  a  printed  card  6    1/2x4    1/4 

"Photographed     for    Hon.     Leland    Stanford,    at    Palo    Alto, 
California,  by  Muybridge" 

Published  by  G.D.  Morse,  San  Francisco 

Fifteen    collodion    negatives,    2    3/4    x    3    1/2    in.,   with   time 
notations  in  Muybridge's  hand 

The  Praxinoscope  Theater  1878 

projection,  or  magic  lantern,  which  had  been  in  use  since  the 
16th  century.  Slides  for  lantern  projection  also  conveyed 

Chromotropes  and  Comic  Slides 

The  chromotrope  gives  a  kaleidoscopic  effect  when  two 
counter-rotating  circles  of  glass,  with  different  designs  on  them, 
are  moved  by  a  simple  string  and  tackle  mechanism.  The  comic 
slides  operate  either  by  a  lever,  which  moves  a  partially  painted 
slide  quickly  to  block  out  and  then  reveal  portions  of  a  painted 
image  in  a  frame  (a  man  doffs  his  hat,  the  devil  pops  in  and 
out  of  a  bundle  of  straw),  or  by  a  more  complicated  lever  and 
rack-and-pinion  method,  in  which  two  motions  are  apparent:  a 
man  snores  as  he  sleeps  (his  jaw  moved  by  a  lever),  while  a  rat 
circles  from  under  his  bed  to  jump  into  his  mouth  (operated  by 
the  circular  motion  of  the  rack  and  pinion).  These  slides  were 
also  used  to  educate:  "The  Earth's  Rotundity"  shows  two  ships 
circling  the  globe. 

Collection  Stanford  University  Museum  of  Art.  The  exhibition 
prints  were  made  by  the  photographer  Ralph  E.  Talbert  from  the 
Muybridge  negatives 

By  the  time  Muybridge  made  his  negatives  of  the  total  eclipse 
of  11  January  1880,  photography  had  long  served  astronomy, 
particularly  with  regard  to  studies  of  the  sun.  Daguerreotypes 
had  been  made  of  the  sun  as  early  as  1842,  under  the  direction 
of  Francois  Arago,  the  French  astronomer  who  had  announced 
Daguerre's  invention  to  the  Academie  des  Sciences  on  7 
January  1839.  Wet-plate  collodion,  a  faster  process,  was 
introduced  in  1851.  Photographs  taken  with  wet-plates  by  the 
German  photographer  Berkowski  during  the  eclipse  of  28  July 
1851  made  visible  some  prominences,  as  well  as  the  inner 
corona  of  the  sun,  and  from  the  accurately  timed  photographs 
taken  in  Paris  during  the  eclipse  of  15  March  1858,  the 
apparent  diameter  of  the  sun  was  established.48 Muybridge  was 
among  the  last  photographers  of  an  eclipse  to  use  the  wet-plate 
method,  for  by  1880  the  modern  silver-bromide  gelatin 
emulsion  had  appeared.  With  this  faster  film,  photography 
became  an  indispensable  tool  of  astronomical  discovery. 

The  Stanford  Museum's  set  of  negatives  of  the  1880  eclipse 
is  not  complete;  according  to  Museum  records,  five  are  missing. 
This  may  account  for  the  inequality  of  the  time  intervals 
between  exposures.  The  most  complete  eclipse  of  the  sun 
occurred  at  3:50  p.m.,  as  reported  in  San  Francisco.  In  Palo 


j-'hases  of  the  Eclipse  of  the  ^un, 

January    11th,     1S80, 

PHOT-OCX  IPHBU    TOR    HON,    I.I  I   INB    StAMFOKD,    \  I     PaLO  A.LTO.  Ca!  IF0RN1A,   v.s    Ml  VBS1DC1 

Pi  IH.ISIIF.I.  By  G.  I).  Mossfi 

Houns  uf  t)nsKKVvin>N  :     1 — Sun  before  eclipse.     -i— :j,it.">.     :{ ;  42.    4     :>:1'J.     5~-3:51. 

6—4:1)8.     7— 4:3*. 

Alto,  Muybridge  took  three  successive  photographs  around  that 
time  at  intervals  of  three,  three  and  two  minutes:  by  his  own 
notation,  at  3:46  p.m.,  3:49  p.m.  and  3:51  p.m. 

Immediately  after  3:50,  according  to  a  newspaper  account?9 
"the  most  singular  phenomenon  of  the  eclipse  occurred,  as 
observed  in  San  Francisco.  It  consisted  of  the  rapid  changes  of 
the  crescent  of  light  as  the  moon  passed  over  the  sun's  disk. 
[In]  the  first  phase.  .  .  the  horns  of  the  crescent  pointed 
horizontally  to  the  south,  but  in  the  course  of  the  half  minute 
which  this  extreme  obscuration  lasted,  the  horns  of  the  crescent 
rapidly  changed  position  until  they  pointed  to  the  zenith.  When 
the  sun  set  in  the  west  the  left  hand  side  of  the  upper  limb  was 
notched.  .  .  by  the  moon's  outline." 

Seven  of  the  twenty-one  phases  Muybridge  recorded  are 
represented  in  the  published  photograph,  which  appears  to  be  a 
photograph  copy  of  drawings  made  after  the  original 
photographs,  and  lacks  any  suggestion  of  photographic  quality. 
It  may  have  been  made  with  scissors  and  paper. 

The  total  eclipse  of  the  sun  of  11  January  1880  was  the  last 
one  of  the  nineteenth  century.  Significantly,  his  photographs  of 
it  were  the  last  ones  "Helios"  was  took  for  Leland  Stanford.50 


The  Attitudes  of  Animals  in  Motion.  A  Series  of  Photographs 
Illustrating  the  Consecutive  Positions  Assumed  by  Animals  in 
Performing  Various  Movements 

"Executed  at  Palo  Alto,  California,  in  1878  and  1879, 
"Copyright  1881,  by  Muybridge" 

In  Stanford's  presentation  copy: 

"Hon.     Leland     Stanford:     Sir Herewith     please     find     the 

photographs  illustrating  The  Attitudes  of  Animals  in  Motion, 
executed  by  me  according  to  your  instructions,  at  Palo  Alto  in 
1878  and  1879.  Muybridge,  Menlo  Park,  15th  May,  1881." 

Two-hundred  and  three  albumen  prints  from  wet-plate  collodion 
negatives,  6  3/4  x  9  3/4  in. 

Stanford  University  Museum  of  Art 

Rare  Books  and  Special  Collections,  Stanford  University 
Libraries,  holds  a  copy  of  Attitudes  in  which  the  photographs 
are  mounted.  The  Stanford  University  Museum  of  Art's  copy. 


shown    in   the   exhibition,   is  unmounted;   the  prints   are  trial 
proofs  on  print-out  paper 

In  this  summation  of  Muybridge's  work  for  Stanford,  the 
individual  pages  are  untitled,  and  bear  only  his  copyright  stamp. 
Preceding  the  "Index  to  Illustrations"  is  Muybridge's 

"The  accompanying  photographs,  illustrating  the  attitudes  of 
animals  in  motion,  were  executed  in  1878  and  1879,  at  the 
Palo  Alto  Stock  Farm,  by  instructions  of  Governor  Leland 

"The  following  is  a  brief  description  of  the  introductory 

"A.  General  view  of  the  Palo  Alto  Stock  Rancho. 

"B.  A  photographing  Camera  and  back  of  Electro-shutter. 
Two  light  panels  of  wood,  each  with  an  opening  in  the  center 
are  adjusted  to  move  up  and  down,  freely  in  their  framework. 
These  panels  are  arranged  to  exclude  light  from  the  lens  and  are 
held  in  position  by  a  latch.  At  the  proper  time,  a  current  of 
electricity  charges  a  magnet  attached  to  the  shutter  frame,  an 
armature  is  thereby  attracted  and  caused  to  strike  the  latch 
which  holds  the  panels;  they,  being  released,  are  drawn 
respectively  upwards  and  downwards  with  great  rapidity,  by 
rubber  springs,  and  light  is  admitted  to  the  photographing  plate 
while  the  openings  in  the  panels  are  passing  each  other. 

"C.  Front  of  Electro-shutters,  with  positions  of  panels 
before,  during,  and  after  exposure. 

"D.  Front  of  operating  room  in  which  are  arranged  parallel 
with  the  track,  24  Cameras,  at  a  distance  of  12  inches  from  the 
center  of  each  Lens,  and  an  Electro-shutter  in  front  of  each. 

"E.  Operating  track,  covered  with  rubber  flooring,  and 
crossed  with  lines  12  inches  apart,  over  which  the  animals  are 
caused  to  move.  On  one  side  of  the  track  a  white  background  is 
arranged  at  a  suitable  angle.  The  cross  lines  on  the  track  are 
distinguished  by  the  upper  line  of  figures.  The  particular 
Camera  in  which  any  negative  of  a  series  is  made,  is  designated 
by  the  parallel  direction  of  the  vertical  stake,  with  the 
horizontal  line  extending  to  the  corresponding  number  of  the 
Camera  immediately  opposite.  The  discriminating  number  of 
each  series  of  exposures  is  recorded  on  each  negative  by  the 
large  figures  [229  for  example]  which  is  changed  for  each 
movement  illustrated. 

"F.  General  view  of  the  experiment  track,  background  and 
Cameras.  Threads  are  being  stretched  across  the  track,  12  inches 
apart,  and  at  a  suitable  height  for  photographing  the  action  of  a 

running  horse.  One  end  of  each  of  the  threads  is  secured  in 
front  of  the  Cameras,  hauled  taut,  and  fastened  to  a  metal 
spring,  which  is  drawn  almost  to  the  point  of  contact  with  a 
metal  plate.  In  its  progress  over  the  track,  the  animal  strikes 
these  threads  in  succession,  and  as  each  spring  touches  its  metal 
plate,  a  current  of  electricity  is  sent  through  a  connecting  wire 
to  the  magnet  in  the  shutter  opposite,  and  exposures  of  the 
plates  in  the  line  of  Cameras  is  successively  made,  each 
exposure  recording  the  position  of  the  animal  at  the  instant  of 
his  pressing  against  its  corresponding  thread;  this  accomplished, 
the  thread  immediately  breaks.  For  horses  driven  in  vehicles  the 
exposure  is  made  by  steering  one  of  the  wheels  over  wires, 
slightly  elevated  from  the  ground,  the  successive  depression  of 
each  one  completing  an  electric  circuit,  and  making  its 
corresponding  exposure. 

"For  recording  the  movements  of  animals  not  under  direct 
control,  clock-work  apparatus  is  arranged  to  cause  successive 
exposures  at  regulated  intervals  of  Time  instead  of  at  uniform 
distances.  The  boxes,  arranged  in  a  semi-circle  contain 
Electro-shutters  and  Cameras,  for  obtaining  simultaneous 
exposures  of  the  same  position  of  the  animal  from  different 
points  of  view. Muybridge" 

It  is  not  known  how  many  copies  of  this  book  Muybridge 
printed.  There  must  have  been  at  least  five:  the  one  that 
appears  in  the  Meissonier  painting  of  Leland  Stanford,  1881 
(now  in  the  Stanford  Museum),  and  the  four  that  Muybridge 
sold  in  London  before  his  return  to  the  United  States  in  1882 
[see  Documents,  H].  There  is  a  copy  in  the  Library  of  the 
Academy  of  Arts  and  Sciences,  which  may  be  one  of  the  five 
accounted  for  above.  The  book  was,  at  any  rate,  handmade.  No 
reproductive  process  was  used  for  the  photographs.  There  was 
no  factory  setup  at  Palo  Alto,  and  there  is  no  publisher  named. 
Muybridge  printed  the  five  (at  least)  sets  of  203  photographs 
himself.  It  was  a  prodigious  work. 

The  photographs  in  Attitudes  of  Animals  in  Motion  have  an 
archetypal  quality,  a  tense  awkwardness  that  is  apparent  in  any 
art  before  the  finesse  that  accompanies  foreseeable  results  sets 
in.  Muybridge  was  experimenting  in  1878-79;  he  was  at  the 
height  of  his  interest  in  the  doing  of  the  work. 

Running  high  leap,    Photograph  103, 
Attitudes  of  Animals  in  Motion 


Opposite : 

Athlete  swinging  a  pick 

Photograph  110,  Attitudes  of  Animals  in  Motion 

Two  cameras  have  been  used;  the  photographs  are  not  consecutive 

Above : 

Studies  of  fore  shortenings 

Photographs    187-191,  Attitudes  of  Animals  in  Motion 

1882     The  Horse  in  Motion 

The  Horse  in  Motion,  As  Shown  by  Instantaneous  Photography, 
With  a  Study  on  Animal  Mechanics,  Founded  on  Anatomy  and 
the  Revelations  of  the  Camera,  in  which  is  Demonstrated  the 
Theory  of  Quadrupedal  Locomotion,  by  J.D.B.  Stillman,  A.M., 

"Executed  and  Published  under  the  Auspices  of  Leland 

Boston,  James  R.  Osgood  and  Company,  1882 

Printed  by  the  University  Press,  Cambridge 

"One  Volume,  Royal  Quarto,  Fully  Illustrated,  $10"  51 

Five  heliotype  reproductions  of  Muybridge  photographs,  nine 
color  plates  of  anatomical  drawings,  ninety-one 
photo-lithographs  of  drawings  made  from  Muybridge's 
photographs,  127  pages  of  text 

Rare  Books  and  Special  Collections,  Stanford  University 

The  publication  of  this  book  in  February  1882  ended  the 
Stanford/Muybridge  collaboration.  It  reached  England  in  April, 
1882,  when  Muybridge  was  famous  for  his  demonstrations 
before  learned  societies  of  the  analysis  and  synthesis  of  animal 
motion,  of  which  he  claimed  to  be  the  originator.  Because  his 
name  did  not  appear  on  the  title  page,  and  because  Stanford 
named  him  only  as  a  "skilled  photographer,"  his  word  was 
questioned;  he  started  a  suit  against  Stanford  and  returned  to 
America.  [See  "Eadweard  Muybridge,  1830-1904,"  and 
Documents  F  and  H  for  a  history  of  the  suit.] 

The  history  of  the  book  has  an  equally  sad  conclusion. 
Although  long  reviews  of  it  were  placed  by  the  publisher  in  the 
leading  newspapers  throughout  the  country  and  abroad,  it  did 
not  sell.  Stanford  wrote  the  following  note  to  Dr.  Stillman, 
who  was  to  remain  his  lifelong  friend,  on  July  28,  1882: 

"I  have  not  your  last  letter  before  me,  but  I  remember  that 
the  business  portion  of  it  was  in  regard  to  the  price  of  the 
book.  I  think  a  low  price  is  best  for  I  would  like  to  hear  of 
some  sales  and  possibly  someone  may  want  it  if  the  price  is  low 
enough.  I  have  never  heard  of  anybody's  buying  the  book  nor 
have  I  heard  of  the  book's  being  sold."  53 

Comparison  of  the  lithographic  plates  in  Stillman's  volume 
with  the  Muybridge  photographs  the  drawings  were  made  from 
suggests  one  reason  for  the  failure  of  this  expensive  publication 
[see  p.  28].  The  Muybridge  photographs  catch  the  vivacity  of 
motion  of  the  subjects;  the  lithographs  appear  posed,  lifeless 
renderings  of  motion  extracted  from  its  actual  setting.  Stillman 
had  guided  the  book  through  the  press,  but  no  doubt  it  was 
understood  by  Stanford  that  drawings  after  the  photographs 
rather  than  reproductions  of  them  were  to  be  used.  In  making 
this  decision  Stillman  and  Stanford  underestimated  the 
convincing  power  of  the  photographs,  underexposed  as  some  of 
them  might  have  been.  The  decision  to  use  line  copies  of  them 
was  consistent  with  Stanford's  customary  acceptance  of 
photography  as  a  medium  that  gave  information,  rather  than  as 
a  visual  medium,  with  an  inherent  message. 

Stillman's  text  is  heavily  written,  and  according  to  W.M.R. 
French,  who  sent  Stanford  a  thirteen-page  manuscript  of 
corrections,  in  case  there  should  be  a  second  edition,  was  full 
of  errors,  which  even  included  the  misspelling  of  the  name  of 
Stanford's  star  horse,  Abe  Edgington.  The  thought  of  a  second 
edition  was  put  aside,  although  Stillman  had  ordered  $2,000 
worth  of  corrected  plates  for  it  in  advance,  so  confident  was  he 
of  its  success.54As  for  the  first  edition,  those  volumes  that  were 
not  sold  are  believed  to  have  been  burned  along  with  everything 
else  in  the  fire  that  destroyed  the  Stanford  San  Francisco  home 
in  April,  1906. 

Although  Muybridge  did  not  win  his  suit,  he  had  the  last 
word.  In  his  Prospectus  and  Catalogue  for  Animal  Locomotion, 
1887,  he  wrote:55 

"In  conclusion,  it  may  not  be  irrelevant  for  the  author  to 
remark  that  a  number  of  his  early  experimental  photographs  of 
animal  movements,  and  his  original  Title,  "The  Horse  in 
Motion,"  were  copied,  and  published  a  few  years  ago,  in  a  book 
which  is  referred  to  in  the  following  paragraph,  reprinted  from 
Nature  (London),  June  29,  1882.  After  the  full  Title  of  the 
book  is  quoted,  the  reviewer  says,  'The  above  is  the  somewhat 
long  title  of  a  large  and  important  work  issuing  from  the 
well-known  Cambridge  (U.S.)  University  Press. 

"  'Long  as  is  the  title,  the  name  of  the  principal  contributor 
to  the  volume  is  left  unrecorded  there;  though,  indeed,  even  a 
cursory  glance  over  its  contents  shows  how  much  indebted  is 
the  whole  question  of  the  mode  of  motion  in  the  horse  to  the 
elaborate  series  of  investigations  of  Mr.  Muybridge.' " 



1.  Catalogue  of  Photographic  Views  Illustrating  the  Yosemite, 
Mammoth  Trees,  Geyser  Springs,  and  other  remarkable  and 
Interesting  Scenery  of  the  Far  West,  by  Muybridge,  Bradley 
&  Rulofson,  San  Francisco,  1873.  Original  in  The  Bancroft 
Library,  University  of  California,  Berkeley.  The  catalogue  has 
been  thoroughly  studied  by  Mary  V.  Jessup  Hood  and  Robert 
B.  Haas.  Their  article,  "Eadweard  Muybridge 's  Yosemite 
Valley  Photographs,  1867-1872,"  California  Historical 
Society  Quarterly,  Vol.  XLII,  San  Francisco,  March  1963, 
pp.  5-26,  gives  the  results  of  the  study.  Much  of  the 
information  in  the  present  discussion  depends  upon  it. 

2.  Beaumont  Newhall  provided  this  article  by  H.W.  Vogel,  as 
well  as  the  information  about  him. 

3.  Three  other  photographers  had  preceded  him.  The  pre-1872 
history  of  the  graphic  representation  of  the  Valley,  whose 
existence  became  generally  known  in  1851,  when  the 
Mariposa  Battalion  chased  a  group  of  Indians  into  it,  is,  in 
brief,  as  follows:  In  the  summer  of  1855,  the  young  English 
artist  Thomas  Ayres  accompanied  a  party  of  tourists  led  by 
James  M.  Hutchings,  the  first  "developer"  of  the  Valley. 
There  he  made  wash  drawings  of  views,,  two  of  which  were 
published  in  San  Francisco  in  1855  (Emil  Ernst,  "Yosemite's 
First  Tourists,"  Yosemite  Nature  Notes,  Vol.  XXIV,  No.  6, 
June  1955).  In  1859,  Charles  L.  Weed,  for  whom  Hutchings 
also  served  as  guide,  took  twenty  10  x  14  in.  plates  and  forty 
stereos,  which  were  published  in  San  Francisco  by  Vance's 
Gallery  (Mary  V.  Hood,  "Charles  L.  Weed,  Yosemite's  First 
Photographer,"  Yosemite  Nature  Notes,  Vol.  XXXVIII,  No. 
6,  June  1959).  In  1861,  Carleton  E.  Watkins  took 
photographs  on  the  Valley  floor  and  the  first  photographs 
from  above  the  Valley.  He  made  subsequent  trips  during  the 
mid-sixties;  his  photographs  were  published  in  the  U.S. 
Government  Survey,  Geology,  Vol.  I,  1865,  and  The 
Yosemite  Book,  1868  (Hood  and  Haas,  op.  cit.,  p.  8).  In 
1866,  W.  Harris  completed  a  series  of  views  taken  in  and 
around  Tuolumne  Meadows  (the  high  country)  for  J.D. 
Whitney,  director  of  the  Geological  Survey,  and  these  were 
published  in  The  Yosemite  Book  (ibid.).  Then  Muybridge 
entered  the  scene. 

4.  For  his  titles  in  the  Hittell  volume,  Muybridge  used  the  Indian 
names  favored  by  Hutchings,  e.g.:  "Tissayac,  or  Half  Dome," 
"Piwyac,  or  Vernal  Fall,"  "Yowiye,  or  Nevada  Fall."  He 
continued  this  practice  after  others  had  abandoned  it. 

The  following  passage  in  HittelPs  guidebook   describes    the 


"The    great    attraction    of    Yosemite    is    the    crowding   of  a 

multitude   of   romantic,   peculiar  and  grand  scenes  within  a 

very  small  space.  One  of  these  waterfalls,  one  of  these  vertical 
cliffs,  half  a  mile  high,  one  of  these  dome  or  egg-shaped 
mountains,  or  the  chasm  itself,  as  a  geological  curiosity, 
would  be  worthy  of  world-wide  fame;  but  at  Yosemite  there 
are  eight  cataracts,  five  domes,  a  dozen  cliffs,  several  lakes 
and  caverns,  and  numberless  minor  wonders,  besides  the 
biggest  groves  near  by,  and  scores  of  mountains.  ..."  (Hittell, 
op.  cit.,  p.  9.) 

5.  Kingston  Scrapbook,  p.  8. 

6.  I  am  also  grateful  to  Beaumont  Newhall  for  this  quotation. 

7.  By  1872,  there  were  other  possibilities  for  easier  travel :  by  rail 
or  boat  and  rail  from  San  Francisco  to  a  stage  point;  by  stage 
to  several  points  from  which  horses  and  pack  mules  then 
descended  into  the  Valley. 

8.  Kingston  Scrapbook,  p.  15. 

9.  Artists  listed  as  subscribers  include:  "A.  Bierstadt,  Charles  C. 
Nahl,  Norton  Bush,  S.M.  Brookes." 

10.  Kingston  Scrapbook,  p.  8. 

11.  According  to  Mary  and  William  Hood,  who  have  studied  early 
photographs  of  Yosemite  from  a  geological  and  botanical 
point  of  view,  the  Indians  who  summered  in  the  Valley 
before  the  white  settlers  arrived  had  periodically  burned  off 
growth  on  the  floor.  The  earliest  tourists,  therefore,  had 
much  more  complete  views  of  the  surrounding  rock 
formations  and  the  waterfalls  than  are  available  today,  when 
the  growth  of  trees  and  shrubs  has  gone  unchecked. 

12.  For  the  history  of  photographic  war  reporting,  see  Helmut 
Gernsheim,  The  History  of  Photography  from  the  Camera 
Obscura  to  the  Beginning  of  the  Modern  Era,  New  York, 
1969,  pp.  267-74,  453-4.  Also,  Beaumont  Newhall,  The 
History  of  Photography  from  1839  to  the  Present  Day, 
second  edition,  New  York,  1964,  pp.  67-74. 

13.  Some  are  identical  views;  a  stereo  cut  to  3V4  in.  square  and 
separately  entered,  has  been  counted  as  one. 

14.  Conversation,  January  1972. 

15.  R.B.    Haas,    manuscript    of  Muybridge,   Man   in  Motion. 

16.  This  page  numbering  does  not  represent  the  original  order  of 
the  album,  which  cannot  be  known,  since  the  pages  were 
loose  and  had  been  regrouped.  The  letters  signify  the  position 
of  the  prints  on  each  page. 

17.  The  information  about  the  SS  Costa  Rica  and,  following, 
about  the  Vasco  da  Gama  was  given  by  Karl  Kortum, 
Director,  and  the  late  Albert  Harmon,  Librarian,  of  the  San 
Francisco  Maritime  Museum. 

18.  The  Bancroft  Library,  University  of  California,  Berkeley. 

19.  Identified  by  Mary  V.  Jessup  Hood. 

20.  From  the  subscription  offer  written  in  Panama  by  Muybridge 
on  1  October  1875.  The  offer  is  signed  "Eduardo  Santiago 
Muybridge."  Kingston  Scrapbook,  p.  15,  insert. 


21.  Kingston  Scrapbook,  p.  14. 

22.  Ibid. 

23.  On  the  flyleaf  of  one  of  the  Stanford  albums,  H.C.  Peterson 
wrote:  ".  .  .Upon  his  return  he  attempted  to  coerce  the 
Pacific  Mail  SS.  Co.  to  buy  the  lot  from  him  on  the  basis  of  a 
purported    contract    with    him.    In    the   endeavor  to   realize 

money  from  the  P.M.  SS.  Co.,  he  threatened  suit but  the 

proof  was  too  conclusive  that  there  was  no  contract." 

24.  A  set  of  unidentified  views  will  shortly  be  published  in  a 
biography  of  Muybridge  by  Kevin  MacDonnell  of  England. 
These  may  be  the  views  that  are  mentioned  in  a  letter  of 
Walter  R.  Miles,  a  former  professor  at  Stanford  University,  to 
Mrs.  Helen  Cross,  Associate  Director  of  the  Stanford 
Museum,  on  19  December  1955.  Miles,  writing  from  Istanbul, 
asks  for  a  microfilm  of  the  two  albums  with  Muybridge's 
handwritten  titles  in  them  so  that  he  can  identify  his  set  of 
seventy  unmounted  views  given  to  him  by  Mr.  Timothy 
Hopkins  (the  son  of  Stanford's  partner,  Mark  Hopkins),  in 
1929,  when  Miles  was  "chairman  of  the  committee  that 
arranged  the  Stanford-Muybridge  Celebration."  He  asks  that 
the  microfilm  be  sent  to  Mrs.  E.B.  Ginsburg  of  Clinton, 
South  Carolina,  who  "is  studying  the  Muybridge 
photographs,  on  a  project  of  mutual  interest."  Letter  in  the 
files  of  the  Stanford  Museum. 

25.  Report  of  the  Jurors,  Eleventh  Industrial  Exhibition,  San 
Francisco,  1876.  Kingston  Scrapbook. 

26.  Kingston  Scrapbook. 

27.  From  notes  made  by  Kent  Seavey, Stanford  University,  from 
the  Norton  Bush  scrapbooks  in  the  Oakland  Museum  Library. 

28.  Cited  in  George  T.  Clark,  Leland  Stanford,  War  Governor  of 
California,  Railroad  Builder  and  Founder  of  Stanford 
University,  Stanford  University  Press,  1931,  p.  310. 

29.  For  the  history  of  the  painted  diorama  (also  called 
panorama),  see  Helmut  and  Alison  Gernsheim,  L.J.M. 
Daguerre,  second  edition,  New  York,  1968,  and  Olive  Cook, 
Movement  in  Two  Dimensions,  London,  1963,  especially 
Chapter  2.  For  photographic  panoramas,  see  H.  Gernsheim, 
The  History  of  Photography,  op.  cit.,  pp.  119,  126-7,  142, 
291,  136-7. 

30.  For  reproductions  of  panoramic  views  of  San  Francisco  made 
by  daguerreotypists  between  1850  and  1853,  see  Sea  Letter, 
San  Francisco  Maritime  Museum,  Vol.  II,  Nos.  2  and  3, 
October  1964. 

31.  Alta  California,  22  July  1877.  Quoted  on  Muybridge's 
advertisement  for  the  panorama.  California  Historical 
Society,  San  Francisco. 

32.  From  notes  made  by  Kent  Seavey,  Stanford  University,  from 
the  Norton  Bush  Scrapbooks  in  the  Oakland  Museum 

33.  The  author  of  "Bohemian  Bubbles"  in  the  San  Francisco  Post 

thus  criticized  Koch's  work  on  Occident: 

"It  is  not  an  unusual  error  with  artists  to  paint  one  limb  out 
of  proportion  with  another,  and  it  might  be  excused  in 
photography,  only  that  the  apparatus  can't  lie.  I  don't  know, 
though  I  could  excuse  Koch  if  he  had  painted  those  legs  in 
Indian  ink  instead  of  simply  retouching  the  negative  to  give  a 
better  effect.  He  should  know  anatomy,  but  it  is  strange  how 
little  artists  study  nature.  One  artist  receiving  a  commission 
to  paint  a  picture  of  a  shipwreck  painted  some  red  lobsters 
among  the  rocks  on  shore,  and  another,  not  being  able  to  get 
on  without  a  bit  of  red  somewhere  in  the  foreground  of  a 
river  scene,  painted  a  bunch  of  carrots  floating  down  the 
stream.  Now,  lobsters  are  not  red  until  after  they  are  boiled, 
and  as  a  matter  of  fact,  carrots  don't  float."  Kingston 
Scrapbook,  p.  12. 

34.  The  judges  used  the  same  wording  Muybridge  had  used  in  a 
letter  to  the  editor  of  the  Alta  California  dated  2  August 

".  .  .1  herewith  enclose  you  a  photograph  made  from  a 
negative,  which  I  believe  to  have  been  more  rapidly  executed 
than  any  ever  made  hitherto. 

"The  exposure  was  made  while  "Occident"  was  trotting  past 
me  at  the  rate  of  2:27,  accurately  timed,  or  36  feet  in  a 
second,  about  40  feet  distant,  the  exposure  of  the  negative 
being  less  than  the  one-thousandth  part  of  a  second.  The 
length  of  exposure  can  be  pretty  accurately  determined  by 
the  fact  that  the  whip  in  the  driver's  hand  did  not  move  the 
distance  of  its  diameter.  ..."  Kingston  Scrapbook,  p.  19. 

35.  San  Francisco  Morning  Call,  16  June  1878.  Kingston 
Scrapbook,  p.  21. 

36.  Kingston  Scrapbook,  p.  20. 

37.  San  Francisco  Chronicle,  9  July  1878.  Kingston  Scrapbook, 
p.  30. 

38.  San  Francisco  Bulletin,  28  August  1878.  Kingston 
Scrapbook,  p.  30. 

39.  Alta  California,  20  November  1878.  Kingston  Scrapbook,  p. 

40.  Kingston  Scrapbook,  p.  57. 

41.  The  differences  between  the  Stanford  zoopraxiscope  and 
Muybridge's  original  are  optical  and  mechanical.  Muybridge 
used  a  lens  of  longer  focal  length  for  projection  up  to 
life-size.  The  lens  had  to  be  mounted  on  its  own  pedestal, 
apart  from  the  machine.  The  Stanford  copy  has  a  lens  of 
shorter  focal  length,  mounted  in  front  of  the  gear  frame.  The 
Stanford  copy  uses  a  tungsten  filament  light  instead  of 
oxyhydrogen.  It  does  not  have  the  attachments  Muybridge 
used  to  project  still  slides  as  well  as  moving  pictures.  Like  the 
original,  the  copy  is  operated  by  hand.  David  Beach,  who 
designed  and  built  the  Stanford  zoopraxiscope,  believes  that 
the     modified     magic     lantern     in    the     Stanford     Museum 


Collection  is  the  prototype  of  the  light  housing  that 
Muybridge  used,  and  has  incorporated  it  into  his  copy  of  the 

42.  For  a  history  of  the  zoetrope  and  other  nineteenth-century 
"philosophical  toys,"  see  Gaston  Tissandier,  Popular 
Scientific  Recreations,  New  York,  c.  1879;  0.  Cook, 
Movement  in  Two  Dimensions,  London,  1963;  and  D.B. 
Thomas,  The  Origins  of  the  Motion  Picture,  London,  Science 
Museum,  1964. 

43.  The  phenakistoscope  was  also  called  "zootrope"  at  this  time; 
after  1867,  when  the  Daedelum  was  introduced  to  the  United 
States  under  the  name  zoetrope,  the  name  was  usually 
reserved  for  this  slotted  revolving-drum  device.  See  the 
descriptions  and  illustrations  below  for  some  of  the  many 
nineteenth-century  scopes  and  tropes. 

44.  Etienne-Jules  Marey,  Animal  Mechanism,  New  York,  1874,  p. 

45.  The  "quick  succession"  of  one  image  after  another  was  noted 
in  reports  on  the  lectures  by  several  San  Francisco  and 
Sacramento  newspapers.  Kingston  Scrapbook,  p.  30. 

46.  Compare  the  counter-rotation  of  the  disks  with  the  improved 
phenakistoscope,  below. 

47.  Marey,  Ibid. 

48.  The  full  history  is  given  in  Gerard  de  Vaucoulerurs, 
Astronomical  Photography,  from  the  Daguerreotype  to  the 
Electron  Camera,  translated  by  R.  Wright,  New  York, 

49.  San  Francisco  Evening  Bulletin,  12  January  1880. 

50.  In  his  Preface  to  Animals  in  Motion,  1899,  Muybridge 
remarks:  "With  the  exception  of  a  series  of  phases  of  a  solar 
eclipse,  made  in  January,  1880,  the  Palo  Alto  researches  were 
concluded  in  1879." 

From    the    advertisement   for   the   book   published   by    H.H. 
Bancroft,  San  Francisco,  1882.  The  Bancroft  Library. 

Dr.    Stillman    was    a    Gold    Rush    pioneer.    He    had    earlier 
published  his  account  of  the  voyage  from  New  York  in  1849 
and  of  life  in  California:  Seeking  the  Golden  Fleece,       San 
Francisco  and  New  York,  1877. 
Stanford  University  Archives 

Letter,    Osgood   to   Stillman,   30    December    1881.    Stanford 
University  Archives. 
55.  Muybridge,  Animal  Locomotion,  Prospectus  and  Catalogue, 
University  of  Pennsylvania,  1887,  pp.  17-18. 





Jean-Louis-Ernest  Meissonier 

Self-Portrait  in  the  Studio 

from  Gustave  Larroumet,   Meissonier,    n.d.,  p. 

131,   ^Boulevard   CMaleiljcrbcs 

&/l+f*~     />C4*_   /ocru  ~Sr      /0C+S& 

<t//t<jL—    <&>1      *C~-       /c^tK        &**• 

\7£CC<s%/.       I  ^(' 

J*<i-t~    Out  t**n n*  t -i_        &■    St 




Muybridge's  copy  of  Meissonier's  invitation  for 

the  demonstration  of  26  November  1881 

Kingston  Scrapbook,  p.  72,  insert 

Muybridge  Collection,  Central  Library,  Kingston-upon-Thames 

Marey,  Muybridge  and  Meissonier 
The  Study  of  Movement  in  Science  and  Art 

Frangoise  Forster-Hahn 

Ever  since  Leonardo's  efforts  to  analyze  "phenomena  of  short 
duration,"  such  as  the  flight  of  birds  or  the  waves  of  water, 
artists  and  scientists  have  attempted  to  visualize  and  make 
visible  what  lies  beyond  the  limits  of  human  perception.  But 
only  with  the  help  of  modern  technology  and  through  the 
conjunction  of  science  and  art  did  the  century-long  searches 
come  to  a  successful  conclusion  in  the  latter  part  of  the 
nineteenth  century.  One  of  the  central  issues  in  the  nineteenth 
century  was  the  analysis  of  the  horse's  movements  during  its 
various  gaits.  The  history,  the  results  and  the  impact  of  these 
crucial  experiments  will  be  investigated  in  the  following  essay. 

I.  Crystallation  of  Scientific,  Photographic  and 
Artistic  Investigations,  1870-1881 

Paris  1881 

On  26  November  1881  the  French  painter  Jean-Louis-Ernest 
Meissonier  (1815-1891)  gave  Eadweard  Muybridge  a  spectacular 
reception  in  his  elegant  Paris  residence,  which  was  not  only 
chronicled  in  many  newspapers  of  the  day,  but  became  a 
much-discussed  topic  in  artistic  and  scientific  circles  interested 
in  the  analysis  and  representation  of  movement.  An  article  in 
the  American  Register  of  3  December  1881,  under  the  title 
"Mr.  Muybridge's  Photographs  of  Animals  in  Motion," 
described  Muybridge's  demonstration  in  enthusiastic  terms  and 
named  the  many  illustrious  guests  gathered  by  Meissonier  for 
this  extraordinary  occasion: 

"One  of  the  latest  topics  of  Parisian  conversation  has  been 
the  magnificent  entertainment  at  the  residence  of  M. 
Meissonier,  where  we  had  the  pleasure  of  meeting  a  large 
number  of  the  most  eminent  artists,  scientists  and  literati  of 
Paris.  The  object  of  the  renowned  artist  was  to  introduce  to  his 
friends  Mr.  Muybridge,  of  California,  and  afford  them  an 
opportunity  of  witnessing  a  very  remarkable  exhibition.  ...  At 
last  the  Gordian  knot  is  solved,  and  from  the  far-off  land  of 

California  comes  a  man  who  is  welcomed  by  the  most  eminent 
of  living  painters,  accorded  his  friendship,  and  introduced  by 
him,  with  a  generosity  equaled  only  by  the  greatness  of  his 
renown,  to  an  assemblage  of  eminent  men,  such  as  is  seldom 
found  within  the  walls  of  one  room  ....  The  pictures 
consisted  of  a  large  number  of  photographs  projected  with  the 
aid  of  the  oxyhydrogen  light,  the  size  of  life,  upon  a  screen, 
illustrating  the  attitudes  assumed  by  a  horse  during  each  twelve 
inches  of  progress,  while  performing  the  various  movements  of 
hauling,  walking,  ambling,  cantering,  galloping,  trotting,  leaping 
.  .  .  Other  pictures  illustrated  the  actions  of  the  dog,  the  ox, 
the  deer,  etc.,  and  the  attitudes  of  men  in  the  act  of  wrestling, 
running,  jumping,  and  other  athletic  exercises.  .  .  .  With  the  aid 
of  an  instrument  called  the  zoopraxiscope  many  of  the  subjects 
were  exhibited  in  actual  motion,  and  the  shadows  traversed  the 
screen,  apparently  to  the  eye  as  if  the  living  animal  itself  were 
moving,  and  the  various  positions  of  the  horse  and  the  dog, 
many  of  which,  when  viewed  singly,  are  singular  in  the 
extreme,  were  at  once  resolved  into  the  graceful,  undulating 
movements  we  are  accustomed  to  associate  with  the  action  of 
those  animals.  The  most  remarkable  and  beautiful  pictures  were 
probably  those  of  birds  on  the  wing.  .  ." 

Among  the  guests  were  the  artists  Eugene  Guillaume,  then 
director  of  the  Ecole  des  Beaux-Arts,  Jean  Le'bn  Gerome, 
Alexandre  Cabanel,  Leon  Bonnat,  Jean-Baptiste  Edouard 
Detaille,  the  critics  Jules  Claretie  and  Albert  Wolff  and  the 
poet  Alexandre  Dumas  fils.  Meissonier  had  assembled  some  of 
the  most  famous  and  influential  painters  and  critics  of  the 
official  art  establishment  of  the  day.  They  all  witnessed  the 
photographic  proof  that  the  horse  had,  indeed,  all  four  legs  off 
the  ground  during  one  phase  of  the  gallop;  not  in  the 
traditional  "hobby-horse"  position,  however,  but  in  a  rather 
odd  way,  with  all  four  legs  bunched  together  under  its  body. 
The  author  of  the  article  in  the  American  Register  singled  out 
three  aspects  of  Muybridge's  demonstration  that  had  been 
noted  earlier  in  the  American  press.  These  aspects  were  to 
become  the  main  issues  in  all  future  discussions:  the  extreme 
oddity  of  the  individual  attitudes  as  they  were  caught  in  single 


photographs;  their  synthesis  by  the  zoopraxiscope  into 
"graceful  undulating  movements";  and,  thus,  the  reconciliation 
of  the  odd  and  unexpected  stills  with  the  accustomed 
perception  of  the  human  eye. 

Two  months  before  this  reception,  Muybridge  had  given  an 
"exhibition"  at  the  home  of  the  physiologist  Etienne-Jules 
Marey  (1830-1904)  "in  the  presence  of  a  large  number  of 
scientists  from  various  parts  of  the  world,  then  attending  the 
Electrical  Congress  at  Paris." 2  The  first  public  record  of 
Muybridge 's  appearance  in  Paris  is  an  article  in  Le  Globe  of  27 
September  1881. 3  Both  demonstrations,  the  first  one  given 
before  an  audience  of  internationally  renowned  scientists,  and 
the  second  before  artists,  literati  and  critics,  had  far-reaching 
consequences,  particularly  for  the  two  men  who  had  been 
Muybridge 's  hosts. 

The  demonstration  in  Meissonier's  residence  represented  for 
his  guests  the  culmination  of  a  long  and  arduous  search  by 
artists  to  establish  the  phases  of  the  horse's  gaits,  for  it 
presented  to  them  the  conclusion  of  photographic  experiments 
in  "synthetically  demonstrating  movements  analytically 
photographed  from  life."  4  For  Muybridge,  the  reception  at 
Meissonier's  and  its  publicity  was  the  stepping  stone  for  his 
triumphant  European  lecture  tour  and  his  future  career.  In  two 
letters  that  he  wrote  immediately  after  these  events,  he  clearly 
realized  the  impetus  they  would  give  to  his  professional  life: 

"I  have  happily  obtained  a  recognition  among  the  artists  and 
scientists  of  Paris  which  is  extremely  gratifying,  and  were  honor 
all  that  I  am  seeking,  I  need  have  no  apprehension." 

"M.  Meissonier  exhibits  the  greatest  interest  in  my  work, 
and  through  his  commanding  influence  I  have  obtained  a 
recognition  here  which  is  extremely  gratifying  and 

Muybridge  continued  his  work  in  the  "Electro-Photo  studio 
in  the  Bois  de  Boulogne"  and  his  ambitious  plans  included  a 
joint  publication  with  Meissonier  and  Marey.6 

Marey's  Research  and  Duhoussets's  Investigations 

The  first  news  of  Muybridge's  successful  experiments  at  Leland 
Stanford's  Palo  Alto  Farm  had  reached  Europe  three  years 
earlier,  when  Gaston  Tissandier  (1843-1899)  had  published 
copies  of  some  of  his  instantaneous  photographs  in  the  journal 



I.m.r  jii  in. I  avcc  une  vitesse  de  7'J7  metres  i  In  galop  dc  course, fcndant  I'espaee  avec  une  vilesse de 

minute.  La  fig 5  enfin  est  un  veritable  I ■  de  1 1  tS  metres  '■>  la  minute. 

force  pliotagraphique ;  elle  reproduil  la  succession  Sous  rccommandons  ■*  nos  lectenrs  dc  bien  ciu- 

des  temps  de  failure  dc  S  il  it  Gardner,  an  .1  ind  dier  chacune  des  positions  du  cheval  dans  ce  mou- 

rem<  nl    rerl  igh llans    li   i>.     I    (fig.   5}  an 

ml*    1   II-  de  devant  droite   to         I  m 
tandis  qui 
eni  1 .   |ui    conti  i<  li  m  des  musi  I  ■■     I1 

(fig,  5]  on  voil  Ic  chi  ral  cntidrement  isold,  aucuae  de 
ses  jambes  m   touclu    l>    sol,  elles  s.-n;   ram 
Bouste  ventre,  an  mom  it  ctrc  lancces, 

1 sous  I'action  d'un  rcssort  qui   so    delend 

1 marquera  dans  les  11"   8  el  '' 

des  jambes  de  ilcvanl  est  singuliercment  tendue, 

d.ui>  une  |ro.iti,,n  qui  n'aurail  jamais  &i  soupcon- 

la  pholograpbie  instanlanee. 

Nous  devons  ajoulei  que  I'ecarleincnt  des  lignes 

vcrlii  ides  sur  les  phot  .gi  ipbi      di    II    Hujbriil  e 

cstdcSI  pouces  anglais,  soil  de  0",582  millime- 
tres el  cclui  des  lignes  horizontales  •!(.■  11  ■»,  1 11 J  mil- 
limetres.  —  Les  numcros    indiques  au-dessus  tie 

<li>"!"''  I'-' 1  Hi  ajoutes  aprts  coup  ^111  le  cli- 

M, el  scrvenl  it  lelude  de  chacune  ilcs  images, 
ij'-  .li!  crentes  gravures  he'tiograpbiques Torment 

La  Nature,    14  December  1878 

The  first  European  publication  of  the  Stanford-Muybridge  experiments 


La  Nature  of  14  December  1878.  Tissandier,  a  chemist  and 
aeronaut,  had  founded  La  Nature  in  1873  and  acted  as  its 
versatile  and  inspiring  editor.  It  was  from  this  publication  that 
Marey  first  learned  about  Muybridge's  and  Stanford's 
investigations  into  animal  locomotion.  Tissandier  had 
immediately  sensed  the  value  of  Muybridge's  photographs  for 
both  physiologists  and  artists  and  publicly  recognized 
Muybridge's  results  as  an  important  complement  to  Marey's 
studies,  7  which  he  had  published  in  La  Nature  for  28 
September  and  5  October  1878.  Marey,  who  had  been  professor 
of  natural  history  at  the  College  de  France  since  1869,  devoted 
his  entire  scholarly  work  to  the  study  of  movement.  Since  the 
early  1860s  he  had  recorded  his  analytical  experiments  with 
graphic  notations  and  had  published  his  researches  in  a  number 
of  books  and  articles.  Marey  later  acknowledged  that  the 
possibility  of  applying  photography  to  the  study  of  animal  and 
human  locomotion  marked  a  decisive  turning  point  in  his 
work. 8  Thus  he  grasped  immediately  the  potential  of 
Muybridge's  photographic  investigations,  which  to  some  extent 
paralleled  his  own  researches  at  the  time.  In  a  letter  printed  in 
La  Nature  of  28  December  1878,  the  issue  immediately 
following  the  first  European  publication  of  Muybridge's 
photographs,  Marey  welcomed  them  as  both  *a  superior  means 
of  physiological  studies  and  a  "revolution"  for  artists  because 
they  furnished  "the  true  attitudes  of  movement,"  and 
"positions  of  the  body  in  instable  balance  in  which  a  model 
would  find  it  impossible  to  pose."  9 

"There  is  scarcely  any  branch  of  animal  mechanics  which 
has  given  rise  to  more  labor  and  greater  controversy  than  the 
question  of  the  paces  of  the  horse,"  Marey  had  written  in 
Animal  Mechanism,  first  published  in  1873.  He  himself  had 
tried  to  analyze  the  movements  of  the  horse,  and  had  described 
his  experiments  in  great  detail  in  Animal  Mechanism: 

"For  the  experimental  shoe  employed  in  the  experiments 
made  on  man  has  been  substituted,  on  the  horse,  a  ball  of 
India-rubber  filled  with  horsehair,  and  attached  to  the  horse's 
hoof  by  a  contrivance  which  adapts  it  to  the  shoe.  .  .  .  When 
the  foot  strikes  the  ground,  the  India-rubber  ball  is  compressed, 
and  drives  a  part  of  the  confined  air  into  the  registering 

By  measuring  the  distance  between  the  traces  of  the  hoofs 
and  recording  the  interval,  Marey  derived  his  "synoptical 
notations."  Some  of  these  were  transcribed  by  Emile  Duhousset 
into  drawings  showing  the  horse's  attitudes  in  various  gaits. 

Duhousset  was  a  Lieutenant-Colonel  in  the  French  Army 
and  an  experienced  horseman.  A  year  after  Marey's  publication, 
he  published  his  own  investigations,  which  he  had  begun  as  a 
prisoner  of  war  in  Germany,  in  Le  Cheval,  a  book  he  dedicated 
to  artists,  and  one  in  which  he  discussed  erroneous 
representations  of  the  horse  in  art.11Prior  to  the  publication  of 
his  investigations,  he  had  been  in  close  contact  with  Gerome, 
Meissonier,  and  Eugene  Guillaume,  among  others,  and  all  had 
urged  him  to  publish  his  results,  which  they  believed  would  be 
of  great  value  to  artists.  Duhousset  based  his  analytical  drawings 
on  Marey's  chronographic  notations  and  his  own  experience, 
and  thus  was  able  to  discover  very  nearly  the  correct  attitudes 
of  the  horse  during  its  various  gaits.  In  fact,  his  drawings  nearly 
correspond  to  Muybridge's  photographs,  an  achievement  made 
possible  through  the  close  collaboration  between  Marey  and 

In  Le  Cheval,  Duhousset  contrasted  his  drawings  with 
examples  of  erroneous  representations  in  art,  which  he  treated 
in  an  abbreviated  historical  survey.  Using  examples  by  Vernet, 
Gericault,  Rosa  Bonheur,  Meissonier  and  others,  and  specifically 
pointing  to  Meissonier's  most  truthful  representations, 
Duhousset  confronted  his  nearly  correct  drawings  with  the 
traditional  poses  of  galloping  horses  in  art.  Muybridge  was  later 
to  adopt  this  method  with  extraordinary  success. 

Marey's  Physiological  Station 


E.-J.  Marey,  La  Machine  animale,    1873: 

"Graphic  curves  and  notations  of  the 
horse's  trot.  RA,  reactions  of  the  fore- 
limbs.  RP,  reactions  of  the  hind  limbs. 
AG  and  AD  [anterior  left  and  right] ,  curves 
and  notations  of  fore-limbs.  PD  and  PG  [posterior 
right  and  left],  curves  and  notations  of  hind-limbs" 

"Synoptical  notations  of  the  paces  of  the  horse, 
according  to  various  writers" 

1.  Amble,  according  to  all  writers. 

2.  Broken  amble,  according  to  Merche. 
High  step,  according  to  Bouley. 

3.  Ordinary  step  of  a  pacing  horse,  according  to  Mazure. 
Broken  amble,  according  to  Bouley. 
Traquenade,  according  to  Lecoq. 

4.  Normal  walking  pace,  according  to  Lecoq. 

5.  Normal  walking  pace  (Bouley,  Vincent  and  Goiffon, 
Solleysel,  Colin). 

6.  Normal  walking  pace,  according  to  Raabe. 

7.  Irregular  trot. 

8.  Ordinary  trot  (In  the  figure,  it  is  supposed  that  the 
animal  trots  without  leaving  the  ground,  which  occurs 
but  rarely.  The  notation  only  takes  into  account  the 
rhythm  of  the  impacts  of  the  feet. 

9.  Normal  pace,  from  Lecoq. 

10.  Traquenade,  from  Merche. 


"£      ®^ 



\m      i 



W  'J 


,   n 



Emile  Duhousset,  drawing  from  Marey's  notations  for 

"Horse  at  full  trot.    The  dot  placed  in  the 

notation  correspondends  with  the  attitude  represented. 

The  horse  is  shown  in  the  point  of  its  stride  when 

it  is  entirely  free  of  the  ground.  (Duhousset  has 

also  indicated  this  in  drawing  the  shadow.) 

E.-J.  Marey,   Animal  Mechanism,    1874,  p.  158 

"Experimental  apparatus  to  show  the  pressure 

of  the  horse's  hoof  on  the  ground." 

E.-J.  Marey,  Animal  Mechanism,    1874,  p.  148 

"Apparatus  to  give  the  signals  of  the 

pressure  and  rise  of  the  horse's  hoof." 

E.-J.  Marey,  Animal  Mechanism,  1874,  p.  194 


Muybridge,  Frankie  leaping  (12  of  24  exposures)  1879 
Photograph  53,  Attitudes  of  Animals  in  Motion,  1881 

Muybridge,  Deer  running  1879 

Photograph  86,  Attitudes  of  Animals  in  Motion 

Muybridge,  Greyhound  running  1879 
Photograph  76,  Attitudes  of  Animals  in  Motion 

Jean-Louis-Ernest  Meissonier 

Meissonier  familiar  with  these  researches,  had  not  only  ventured 
into  lengthy  experiments  to  analyze  the  horse's  gaits,  but  had 
also  been  interested  in  photography  and  its  practical  application 
for  some  time.  As  early  as  the  1860s  he  used  photographs  to 
record  his  work.  Not  a  single  painting  left  his  studio  without 
having  been  photographed  for  the  purpose  of  establishing  a 
modern  liber  veritatis.  13  An  experienced  horseman,  Meissonier 
spent  a  great  deal  of  time  watching  and  sketching  horses  at  the 
parade  grounds  of  Saint-Germain.14  He  also  made  wax  models  of 
horses,  which  he  placed  in  his  studio,  and  according  to  one  of 
his  later  remarks,  he  seems  to  have  used  photographs  as  well.15 

When  the  German  painter  Adolf  von  Menzel  (1815-1905) 
came  to  Paris  for  the  world  exhibition  of  1867,  he  and  his 
friend  Paul  Meyerheim  visited  several  French  artists,  Meissonier 
among  them.  Meyerheim  later  gave  a  lively  account  of  their 
visit:  when  they  arrived  at  Meissonier's  residence,  they  found 
the  artist  in  his  park,  sketching  one  of  his  horses.  Meissonier 
first  showed  his  German  guests  around  his  stable  of  eight 
horses,  then  took  them  to  the  harness  room,  which  was  stuffed 
with  historical  equipment,  and  then  to  the.  colorful  costume 
room,  in  which  there  was  an  equally  varied  collection  of 
uniforms  and  costumes.  Only  thereafter  were  the  guests  led  to 
his  studio,  a  long,  narrow  garden  building,  lit  its  full  length  by 
a  skylight,  with  red  and  white  striped  wallpaper  all  around.  It 
was  here  that  Meissonier  showed  them  numerous  small  sketches 
of  horses,  all  done  on  tiny  unprepared  wooden  boards,  which 
he  would  fix  to  the  right  bottom  corner  of  his  palette, 
sketching  the  horses,  as  he  explained,  while  walking  along  with 
them  in  order  to  catch  their  positions  through  all  phases  of 
movement.  16The  sketches  being  inconclusive,  Meissonier  went 
to  greater  lengths: 

".  .  .he  had  a  miniature  railway  made  in  his  park  at  Poissy, 
running  parallel  with  a  track;  and  seated  on  a  trolly,  the  speed 
of  which  he  was  able  to  control  or  accelerate  at  will,  he 
watched  the  movements  of  a  horse  ridden  by  a  servant.  By 
these  means  he  had  succeeded  in  decomposing  and  noting  'in  a 
flash'  the  most  rapid  and  complex  actions.  Reflection 
completed  what  observation  had  begun."  17 

But  despite  these  efforts,  Meissonier's  results  were  not 
completely  satisfactory  to  him: 

"I  managed  at  last,  by  dint  of  sheer  hard  work,  to 
thoroughly  understand  a  horse's  walk  (which  is  a  very  difficult 

matter),  and  its  trot,  which  is  easier.  But  my  studies  of  the 
gallop,  though  I  watched  it  with  all  the  attention  I  could 
bestow,  never  satisfied  me.  I  had  even  broken  down  one  horse, 
all  to  no  purpose.' 


It  was  at  this  deadlock  in  his  investigations  that  Meissonier 
became  acquainted  with  Muybridge's  instantaneous 
photographs,  which  he  first  saw  in  Marey's  laboratory.  Some 
time  after  their  first  publication  in  La  Nature,  Demeny,  one  of 
Marey's  assistants,  described  the  painter's  shocked  reaction  to 
those  photographs  that  contradicted  all  traditional 
representations  in  art: 

"The  great  painter  Meissonier  .  .  .  used  to  visit  our 
laboratory.  He  was  interested  in  the  gaits  of  the  horse,  which 
he  sought  to  represent  exactly.  When  he  saw  the  first 
photographic  analyses  ...  he  was  utterly  astounded  and 
accused  our  apparatus   of  seeing  wrongly.    'If  you  give  me  a 

horse  galloping  like  this  one' and  he  showed  us  one  of  his 

sketches 'then  I  will  be  satisfied  with  your  invention.'  ' 


Very  soon  thereafter,  however,  Meissonier  became  the  first 
European  artist  to  be  completely  convinced  by  photographic 
evidence,  and  a  great  advocate  of  Muy bridge. 

Leland  Stanford  at  Meissonier's 

When  Leland  Stanford  first  visited  Meissonier  in  1879, 20  he 
brought  with  him  prints  that  Muybridge  had  made  of  his 
experiments  at  the  Palo  Alto  Farm.  Stanford,  whose  own 
attempts  to  analyze  the  motion  of  the  horse  went  back  to 
1870,  hoped  to  persuade  the  artist  to  paint  his  portrait. 
Meissonier  himself  gave  an  account  of  Stanford's  visit: 

"Meanwhile,  towards  the  autumn,  some  American  dealer,  I 
have  forgotten  which,  brought  a  certain  Mr.  Leland  Stanford,  a 
former  governor  of  California,  and  his  wife  to  my  studio.  He 
asked  me  to  paint  his  portrait.  21  My  first  impulse,  of  course, 
was  to  refuse,  but  he  began  to  talk  about  the  photographs  of 
horses  in  motion,  and  said  they  were  his.  He  had  even  spent 
$100,000  on  the  work,  22  so  a  friend  who  was  with  him  said, 
and  the  proofs  which  had  reached  Europe  were  a  mere  nothing. 
He  had  hundreds  of  others,  far  more  interesting,  not  merely  of 
horses  in  motion,  but  of  oxen,  stags,  dogs  and  men.  He  had 
proofs  of  these  last  fighting,  wrestling,  jumping  from  the 
trapeze,   etc."23 


According  to  the  author  of  an  article  in  the  Sacramento 
Daily  Record-Union  for  26  June  1881,  Stanford  visited  the 
painter  again  in  June  1881.  The  somewhat  exaggerated  and 
dramatic  account  of  this  eye-witness  emphasized  again  the  great 
astonishment  of  the  artist.  Meissonier  reacted  to  the 
photographs  with  utter  disbelief,  which  the  California 
businessman  brushed  aside  with  the  simple  statement:  "The 
machine  cannot  lie."  When  Meissonier  brought  out  various  wax 
models  of  horses,  Stanford  produced  the  instantaneous 
photographs  of  the  bound  volume,  The  Attitudes  of  Animals  in 
Motion:  24 

".  .  .the  Governor  succeeded  in  convincing  him  of  his  error. 
It  was  almost  pitiful  to  see  the  old  man  sorrowfully  relinquish 
his  convictions  of  so  many  years,  and  the  tears  filled  his  eyes  as 
he  exclaimed  that  he  was  too  old  to  unlearn  and  begin  anew."25 

When  Meissonier  portrayed  the  California  businessman  and 
politician  in  the  late  summer  or  autumn  of  1881,  he  was  no 
doubt  asked  to  represent  him  with  two  characteristic  attributes: 
the  cane  with  the  little  gold  nugget,  as  a  tribute  to  the  venture 
that  had  laid  the  foundations  for  his  later  fortune,  and  the 
bound  volume  of  the  Muybridge  photographs,  "executed 
according  to  [his]  instructions  at  Palo  Alto,"2  a  testimony  to 
the  greatest  preoccupation  of  Stanford's  private  life,  the 
scientific  training  and  breeding  of  his  beloved  horses.27 

The  Photographic  Experiments 
of  Muybridge  and  Stanford 

The  sensational  result  of  the  photographic  experiments  in 
California  had  been  obtained  through  the  combined  efforts  and 
the  collaboration  of  an  accomplished  photographer,  a  wealthy 
horseman  who  was  also  knowledgeable  and  curious,  and 
experienced  engineers  and  electricians.  Stanford  himself  had 
first  conducted  experiments  on  the  sandy  race  track  at 
Sacramento  in  the  summer  of  1870,  when  he  and  a  friend  tried 
to  measure  the  depth  of  the  impressions  left  by  the  horse's 
hoofs  on  the  soft  ground  of  the  track  28These  first  experiments 
were,  however,  not  initiated  to  satisfy  scientific  or  artistic 
curiosity,  but  for  very  practical  reasons,  namely,  to  gain 
accurate  knowledge  of  the  horse's  locomotion  for  purposes  of 
training.  Two  years  later  Stanford  —  believing  as  he  did  in 
technical  progress  and  the  practical  application  of  technology 
decided  to  try  photography  in  order  to  determine  whether 

a  trotting  horse  had  all  four  feet  off  the  ground  at  some  point 
in  its  stride.  In  May  of  1872  he  engaged  Muybridge  to  take 
photographs  of  his  horse  Occident  at  the  Sacramento  race 
track.  After  the  interruption  of  these  first  attempts  Muybridge 
returned  to  new  experiments  in  July  1877.  His  letter  of  17 
February  1879  to  the  editor  of  La  Nature,  in  answer  to  Marey's 
earlier  letter  of  December  1878,  leaves  no  doubt  about  Marey's 
responsibility  for  Stanford's  continuing  experiments: 

"Would  you  kindly  tell  Professor  Marey,"  he  wrote  to 
Tissandier,  "that  the  study  of  his  famous  work  on  animal 
mechanism  inspired  Governor  Stanford  with  the  first  idea  of 
the  possibility  of  solving  the  problem  of  locomotion  with  the 
help  of  photography."  [See  Documents,  C] 

As  an  expert  on  horses,  Stanford  certainly  knew  not  only 
Marey's  scientific  publication  that  appeared  in  an  English 
edition  in  1874,  but  also  Duhousset's  book,  Le  Cheval, 
published  that  same  year.29  This  time  Muybridge  had  achieved 
the  controversial  result,  "Occident  trotting  at  a  2:27  gait."  The 
first  reports  of  this  were  published  on  3  August  1877  in  the 
Alta  California  and  the  San  Francisco  Bulletin.  In  1878 
Muybridge  expanded  the  investigations,  at  Stanford's  request,  at 
Palo  Alto  Farm,  to  which  Stanford's  horses  had  by  then  been 
moved.  He  published  six  serial  photographs  and  copyrighted  the 
set  under  the  title  The  Horse  in  Motion.  In  the  autumn  of  that 
same  year  the  news  of  his  successful  experiments  reached  a 
national  paper  and  thus  a  much  wider  public.  The  Scientific 
American  on  19  October  1878  printed  a  report  under  the  title 
"The  Science  of  the  Horse's  Motion,"  which  was  illustrated 
with  18  line  drawings  after  Muybridge's  photographs,  thus 
focusing  international  attention  on  the  experiments  in  the  Far 
West.  Meanwhile,  Muybridge  kept  improving  his  experiments 
and  systematically  developed  the  apparatus  which  he  later 
refined  in  his  work  at  the  University  of  Pennsylvania.  During 
these  years  he  also  developed  the  zoopraxiscope.  He 
demonstrated  it  in  the  Stanford  home  during  an  autumn 
evening  in  1879,  again  at  the  Stanford  San  Francisco  home  in 
January  1880  and  gave  a  first  public  showing  of  the  "Magic 
Lantern  Zoetrope"  in  San  Francisco  to  a  small  circle  of  artists 
and  critics  in  May  1880.  At  the  same  time  he  completed  the 
printing  of  his  negatives  and  arranged  them  in  elegantly  bound 
albums  for  presentation  to  Stanford  in  May  1881.  The  album 
shown  in  Meissonier's  portrait  testifies  to  Stanford's  pride  in 
having  actively  initiated,  participated  in  and  supported  these 
photographic  experiments  which  led  to  the  first  instantaneous 
pictures  of    the   running   horse. 


The  overwhelming  response  Muybridge  received  in  Paris, 
however,  was  perhaps  less  due  to  the  photographs  themselves 
than  to  their  demonstration  with  the  zoopraxiscope.  While  the 
individual  stills  tended  to  "freeze"  single  attitudes  in  isolation, 
the  zoetrope  offered  the  possibility  of  creating  an  illusion  of 
coherent  motion  based  on  the  persistance  of  vision.  It  is  not 
quite  clear  who  first  suggested  to  Muybridge  the  use  of  the 
zoetrope  in  order  to  simulate  the  synthesis  of  movements  which 
he  had  been  able  to  analyze  in  successive  phases.  The  Scientific 
American  of  19  October  1878  had  actually  proposed  this  step, 
and  similar  references  were  made  in  the  San  Francisco  papers  of 
May  1880.30  Emile  Duhousset  in  Paris  and  W.  B.  Tegetmeier  in 
London  were  the  first  to  use  Muybridge 's  photographs  in  a 
phenakostiscope  and  in  Reynaud's  praxiniscope.  But  Marey  may 
have  given  the  decisive  incentive,  since  the  French  scientist 
could  point  to  his  own  expertise  and  previous  experiments.  In 
Animal  Mechanism,  the  book  Muybridge  specifically  mentioned 
as  the  force  inspiring  and  encouraging  Stanford,  Marey  had 

"But  it  has  occurred  to  us  that,  by  depicting  on  the 
apparatus  figures  constructed  with  care,  and  representing 
faithfully  the  successive  attitudes  of  the  body  ...  we  might 
reproduce  the  appearance  of  the  different  kinds  of  progression 
employed  by  man."  31 

Later,  in  Le  Mouvement,  Marey  described  his  own 
experiments,  which  he  had  made  as  early  as  1867.  In  order  to 
demonstrate  the  horse's  movements  the  physiologist  still  had  to 
use  analytical  drawings  as  a  means  of  achieving  the  synthesis  of 
individual  successive  attitudes.  Twelve  images  were  drawn  on  a 
long  strip  of  paper  which,  when  placed  in  the  zoetrope  and 
rotated,  afforded  a  "concrete  demonstration  of  the  relations  as 
expressed  in  the  chronographic  notations."32  Thus,  the  French 
scientist  immediately  visualized  the  use  of  instantaneous 
photographs  in  a  zoetrope  and  expressed  his  idea  of  an 
"animated  zoology"  in  his  letter  to  La  Nature.  Speaking  of 
Muybridge's  instantaneous  photographs  he  wrote: 

"And  then  what  beautiful  zoetropes  he  will  be  able  to  give 
us;  one  will  see  all  imaginable  animals  in  their  true  gaits;  this 
will  be  animated  zoology."  [See  Documents,  C] 

Instead  of  drawings  which  were  merely  transcriptions  of 
chronographic  notations,  Muybridge  was  now  able  to  go  a  step 
farther  and  substitute  for  these  inconclusive  images  painted 
copies  of  his  correct  analytical  photographs.  With  his 
complicated     zoopraxiscope     and     instantaneous     photographs 

Muybridge  was  capable  of  achieving  a  far  more  convincing 
illusion  of  coherent  "moving  pictures"  projected  in  life-size 
than  anyone  before  him  had  been  able  to  devise. 

"Mr.  Muybridge  Showing  His  Instantaneous  Photographs 

of  Animal  Motion  at  The  Royal  Society" 

The  Illustrated  London  News,    25  May  1889,  cover 


Pig.  15  —  Boa-relief  Assyrien  (British  Museum). 
ft  I'amble. 

fi-i.  14.  —  Bas-relief  iSgyptien  (Medynel-Abou).  Deux  ctieTsui 
alleles  marctunt  I 'amble. 

I,.    is    —  Uas-reliel  en  lonv  cniU'   ile   I'i-|hmiii«-  VoImjuc  (VrtMrij 
Trois  clieva  rcliaul  au  pa*. 

I         I  ,.   -   I  e  i  nvnlii  r  <-l  In   Mm  i    par   Vllieil  IKirer. 
r.hcval  an  U'ol  I  I'm  ill  -miii. 

niustrations  of  the  representation  of  the  horse  in  art  that  accompanied  Marey's  article 
La  Nature,  5  October  1878 


Muybridge's  Lecture  Demonstrations  and  Publications 

Stanford's  and  Muybridge's  experiments  in  California  were  not 
carried  out  in  isolation,  but  in  close  reciprocity  with  Marey's 
and  Duhousset's  work  in  Paris.  During  the  decade  of  1870-1880 
both  the  Americans  and  the  French  had  been  intensely  involved 
in  the  study  of  animal  locomotion.  Before  Marey  contacted 
Muybridge  through  La  Nature  in  December  1878,  their 
individual  efforts  exactly  paralleled  each  other  in  time  as  well 
as  in  their  objective.  While  the  first  national  publication  of 
Muybridge's  instantaneous  photographs  appeared  in  The 
Scientific  American  of  19  October  1878,  Tissandier  published 
almost  simultaneously  Marey's  latest  experiments  and  attempts 
to  represent  animal  locomotion,  richly  illustrated  with 
Duhousset's  drawings  in  the  28  September  and  5  October  issues 
of  La  Nature.  Just  as  Marey's  work  influenced  Stanford's  and 
Muybridge's  photographic  investigations,  so  did  Duhousset 
inspire  the  idea  and  design  of  Muybridge's  lecture 
demonstrations.  Muybridge  must  have  known  not  only 
Duhousset's  book  Le  Cheval,  but  also  Marey's  article  in  La 
Nature  with  Duhousset's  illustrations.  In  the  second  installment 
Marey  referred  to  precisely  this  book  which  had  so  evidently 
shown  the  mistaken  representations  of  the  horse's  gaits,  and  he 
emphasized  this  point  with  Duhousset's  illustrations, 
confronting  the  correct  drawings  with  erroneous  examples, 
which  ranged  from  Assyrian  reliefs  to  modern  art.  In 
January  of  the  following  year  Duhousset  wrote  about 
Muybridge's  achievements  in  L'lllustration,  where  he  pointed 
out  again  the  possibility  of  applying  the  results  of  instantaneous 
photography  to  the  field  of  art.  33 

i ■ 



1  X 

Muybridge's  "exhibitions"  also  reflect  plans  that  he,  Marey 
and  Meissonier  had  pursued  in  November  and  December  of 
1881  in  Paris,  to  prepare  "a  work  upon  the  Attitudes  of 
Animals  in  Motion  as  illustrated  by  the  Assyrians,  Egyptians, 
Romans,  Greeks,  and  the  great  masters  of  modern  times."  [See 
Documents,  F.] 

It  had  been  Stanford's  pioneering  mind  and  insistence  on 
using  the  camera  to  analyze  the  horse's  movements  that  had 
given  new  direction  to  Muybridge's  work.  Once  confirmed  in 
his  own  success  by  the  acclaim  of  their  synthesis  in  the 
zoopraxiscope,  Muybridge  sensed  the  relevance  of  his  work  for 
art  and  began  to  build  lectures  around  this  aspect.  Following 
Marey,  Duhousset  and  Meissonier,  he  developed  his  concept  in 
greater  depth,  and  presented  the  subject  of  animal  locomotion 

Klii.   10.   —  Chev 

An  excerpt  from  Duhousset's  article, 
L'lllustration,  25  January  1879 


in  historical  perspective  and  with  regard  to  art.  Contrasting 
earlier  error  and  "evidences  of  its  absurdity"  with  the  correct 
analysis,  he  became  convinced  of  the  "acknowledgment  by  the 
Artist  of  the  necessity  of  reformation."  The  syllabus  that  he 
printed  later  in  Zoopraxography, 34  complemented  by  his  slides 
and  disks,  allows  a  fairly  coherent  reconstruction  of  the 
demonstrations  on  "Zoopraxography  or  the  Science  of  Animal 
Locomotion  in  its  Relation  to  Design  in  Art."  After  a 
description  of  the  camera  equipment  and  his  experiments,  he 
presented  slides  of  sculptures,  paintings  and  prints,  all  showing 
the  horse  in  each  of  its  gaits,  from  "pre-historic,  ancient, 
medieval  and  modern  times."  He  surveyed  Assyrian  reliefs, 
examples  of  the  Parthenon  frieze,  the  Bayeux  tapestry, 
medieval  manuscripts,  monuments  of  rulers  on  horseback, 
followed  by  paintings  and  prints  by  Vemet,  Ge"ricault, 
Delacroix,  Meissonier  and  other  contemporaries,  and  he 
contrasted  these  traditional  and  erroneous  representations  with 
his  own  "moving  pictures"  of  animals  in  motion. 

He  had  built  the  zoopraxiscope  so  that  he  could  both  show 
slides  and  insert  the  disks  to  which  painted  copies  of  his 
photographs  had  been  transferred.  The  subjects  he  selected  for 

ft  fe£> 

One  of  Muybridge's  illustrations  of  an  "absurd"  representation 
Science  Museum,  London 

the  disks  are  often  taken  from  the  stock  images  popular  with 
the  zoetrope:  jumping  or  speeding  horses,  athletes,  dancers  and 
animals  in  motion.  The  effect  he  achieved  with  his 
"exhibitions"  is  well  documented  in  the  newspapers  of  the 
1880s,  which  he  meticulously  collected.  Later,  he  appended 
long  excerpts  from  this  collection  to  Zoopraxography.  Although 
there  was  sceptical,  polemical  and  critical  reaction,  too,  the 
over-all  response  was  as  favorable  in  London,  Vienna,  Berlin, 
Munich,  New  York,  Boston  and  Philadelphia,  as  it  had  been  in 
Paris. 3? 

While  Muybridge  worked  in  Paris,  Stanford  returned  to 
America  in  December  1881  and  went  ahead  with  his  own 
publication  of  a  scientific  documentation  of  The  Horse  in 
Motion,  as  Shown  by  Instantaneous  Photography  with  a  Study 
on  Animal  Mechanics  by  Dr.  J.D.B.  Stillman  (1882),  in  which 
Muybridge  is  merely  mentioned  in  Stanford's  preface  as  the 
photographer  "employed."  [see  Documents,  F].  Ironically,  the 
book  did  not  ellicit  the  desired  and  expected  response  and  led 
to  great  disappointment  for  its  author  and  sponsor.  It  was,  in 
fact,  of  no  more  lasting  consequence  than  Duhousset's  earlier 
publication.  The  consecutive  phases  of  the  horse's  gaits  were 
analytically  presented  in  line  drawings,  but  this  alone  created 
no  sensation.  Only  a  combination  of  these  results  with  the 
"moving  pictures"  of  Muybridge's  zoopraxiscope,  or  the 
sequential  arrangement  of  the  photographs  reproduced  in  his 
later  Philadelphia  publication,  achieved  success  with  a  wider 
public.  Animal  Locomotion  (1887)  appeared  five  years  after 
Stanford's  unsuccessful  effort.  This  elaborate  opus  offered  781 
plates  with  more  than  20,000  figures  of  "men,  women,  and 
children,  animals  and  birds,  all  actively  engaged  in  walking, 
galloping,  flying,  working,  playing,  fighting,  dancing,  or  other 
actions  incidental  to  everyday  life,  which  illustrate  motion  and 
the  play  of  muscles."  This  very  expensive  publication  was 
followed  by  two  smaller  volumes,  Animals  in  Motion  in  1899, 
and  The  Human  Figure  in  Motion  two  years  later.  For  Animal 
Locomotion  Muybridge  had  designed  a  system  of  arranging  the 
individual  photographs  in  linear  sequence  with  several  rows 
filling  one  page,  so  that  they  overcame,  at  least  to  a  degree,  the 
impression  of  single  isolated  positions.  Read  horizontally,  the 
instantaneous  photographs  strongly  suggest  the  visual  effect  of 
movement  in  time  and  space,  although  nothing  in  print  could, 
of  course,  compare  with  the  continuum  achieved  by  the 
zoopraxiscope.  It  was  precisely  this  time-space  factor  of 
representing  movement  that  was  to  stimulate  developments  in 
the  sciences  and  arts. 






-— ^E~^cE_ 

Zoetrope  strips,  England,  c.  1870 
each  strip  is  6"  deep 
Oakland  Museum 


V  J 


II.    The  Impact  of  Muy bridge's  Work  on 
Science  and  Art 

Marey's  mention  of  "phenomena  of  short  duration,"  namely, 
"the  movement  of  waves  or  of  the  attitudes  of  men  and 
animals  in  their  most  rapid  motions"  refers  to  problems  that 
Leonardo  had  studied  with  intense  effort  centuries  earlier.  The 
Codex  Huygens,  once  attributed  to  Leonardo,  contains  some 
drawings  in  the  second  book  on  human  movement  illustrating 
successive  phases  in  "cinematographic"  fashion,  as  Panofsky 
described  them.36  Folio  22  illustrates  the  various  stages  of  a 
man  rising,  and  folio  29  represents  a  figure,  inscribed  within  a 
circle,  bending  forward  and  backward.  The  consecutive  stages 
are  not  spread  over  the  sheet,  but  are  superimposed  in  one  image. 
Thus,  a  pictorial  effect  is  achieved  similar  to  Marey's 
chronophotographs.  In  regard  to  the  flight  of  birds,  Paul  Val£ry 
thought  that  instantaneous  photography  had  "corroborated" 
the  images  of  Leonardo's  sketches,  and  it  is  most  fascinating 
to  compare  Leonardo's  studies  and  drawings  of  his  Codice  sul 
volo  degli  uccelli  (1505)  with  Marey's  researches  and 
photographs  in  Le  Vol  des  oiseaux  (1890).  In  his  attempts  to 
comprehend  the  formation  of  waves  and  turbulances  in  water 
and  the  flight  of  birds,  Leonardo  had  clearly  reached  the  limits 
of  visibility.  Without  the  help  of  instruments  the  very  speed  of 
these  natural  phenomena  eluded  his  grasp.  Centuries  of 
eye-straining  observation  did  not  permit  painters  to  capture 
what  an  instantaneous  photograph  recorded  at  Palo  Alto  Farm. 

Muybridge  had  done.  The  novel  visual  effect  of  his 
chronophotographs  produced  a  striking  illusion  of  motion, 
although  individual  phases  were  not  clearly  visible,  since  their 
contours  were  blurred  by  superimposed  exposures.  While 
Muybridge's  photographs  arrested  movement  to  serve  correct 
analysis,  Marey's  chronophotographs  suggested  spatio-temporal 
continuity  in  a  new  pictorial  manner.  Both  Muybridge  and 
Thomas  Eakins  were  to  later  use  adaptations  of  the  "Marey- 
Wheel"  during  the  production  of  Muybridge's  Animal 
Locomotion  at  the  University  of  Pennsylvania  in  1884  and 
1885.  Marey's  multiple  images  inspired  Seurat,  e.g.,  in  his 
painting  Le  Chahut  (1889-90), 41  as  well  as  the  Futurist 
concept,  of  which  Giacomo  Balla's  Bambina  che  corre  sul 
balcone  (1912)  and  Marcel  Duchamp's  Nude  Descending  a 
Staircase  (1912)  are  the  examples  most  often  quoted.42  In  1888 
Marey  turned  to  moveable  film,  and  after  first  using  rolls  of 
paper,  he  then  replaced  them  with  celluloid  film,  thus 
constructing  the  immediate  predecessor  of  the  film  camera; 
Muybridge,  with  his  zoopraxiscope,  had  developed  a 
forerunner  of  the  film  projector.  [See  Documents,  I.] 

In  the  same  year,  1888,  Muybridge  envisioned,  in  a 
consultation  with  Thomas  A.  Edison,  the  combination  of 
"moving  pictures"  with  sound  as  a  form  of  mass  entertainment. 
He  speculated: 

".  .  .as  to  the  practicability  of  using  that  instrument  (the 
zoopraxiscope)  in  association  with  the  phonograph,  so  as  to 
combine,  and  reproduce  simultaneously,  in  the  presence  of  an 
audience,  visible  actions  and  audible  words.43 

Marey  and  Photography 

When  Muybridge  arrived  in  Paris  in  August  1881, 38  he 
brought  along  a  series  of  instantaneous  photographs  of  the 
flight  of  pigeons  which  he  had  expressly  made  on  the  request 
of  the  French  scientist.39  Now  Muybridge  guided  Marey's  work 
into  a  direction  which  determined  the  further  course  of  his 
studies.  From  this  time  on,  the  French  physiologist  applied 
photography  to  his  research,  using  the  camera  to  record  and 
represent  movement  in  all  its  phases.  In  1882  Marey  designed 
the  "photographic  gun,"  which  took  twelve  exposures  on  one 
plate.  Supported  by  the  French  government,  he  continued  his 
experiments  in  this  direction  on  a  large  scale.  With  his  multiple 
exposures,  he  created  a  synthesis  of  movement  in  time  and 
space,  rather  than  an  analysis  in  sequential  rows  of  images,  as 

The  Response  of  Artists 

While  Muybridge  continued  and  elaborated  upon  his  Palo  Alto 
work  at  the  University  of  Pennsylvania,  the  early  influence  of 
his  photographs  was  felt  everywhere,  and  Marey  was  among  the 
first  to  recognize  their  significance: 

"It  is  instantaneous  photography  in  particular  that  has 
exercised  a  noticeable  influence  upon  the  arts,  because  it  allows 
to  fix  in  one  authentic  image  phenomena  of  short  duration,  like 
the  movements  of  waves  or  of  the  attitudes  of  men  and  animals 
in  their  most  rapid  motions."  44 

Meissonier,  Muybridge's  ardent  supporter  and  promoter,  was 
the  first  to  admit  this,  and  in  all  of  his  later  paintings  of  horses, 


E.-J.  Marey,  chronophotograph,  1882 

he  applied  the  new  knowledge  provided  by  the  analytical 
photographs.  Before  the  publication  of  the  Stanford/Muybridge 
experiments,  Meissonier  had  labored  on  one  of  the  major 
paintings  of  his  Napoleon  cycle,  Friedland,  1807  (1875),  now  in 
the  Metropolitan  Museum.  This  large  canvas  depicts  Napoleon  at 
the  height  of  his  fame,  in  Friedland,  during  the  battle.  "The 
idea  was  to  show  the  Emperor  Impassible,  in  the  midst  of 
movement  and  struggle."  The  galloping  curiassiers  in  the 
foreground  were  much-admired  and  discussed  among  artists  and 
connoisseurs  at  the  time.  Thousands  had  crowded  to  see  the 
painting,  "the  happy  apogee"  of  the  cycle,  as  Meissonier  had 
himself  described  it,  when  it  was  exhibited  for  a  few  days  at 
the  Cercle  de  la  Place  Vendome  before  being  shipped  to 
America.  When  Meissonier  later  copied  this  painting  in  water 
color  in  1888.  he  made  some  changes  as  a  result  of  Muybridge's 

Cabanel  and  Gerome,  both  present  at  Meissonier's  reception, 
also  made  use  of  Muybridge's  work,  and  so  did  most  of  the 
battle  and  horse  painters  in  Europe  as  well  as  in  America.  The 
impact  of  the  photographs  was  far-reaching,  for  publications  of 
them  were  numerous,  and  there  was  hardly  an  art  academy  that 
did  not  take  up  the  subject  in  one  way  or  another.  Many  of  the 
famous  institutions  had  invited  Muybridge  for  a  presentation, 
and  were  later  among  the  subscribers  to  his  Animal 
Locomotion.  So  were  many  internationally  known  artists,  as  we 
gather  from  the  illustration  of  signatures  and  lists  of  subscribers 
that  Muybridge,  always  a  tireless  promoter  of  his  own  work, 
published  in  a  detailed  appendix  to  his  Zoopraxography. 
Among     the     artists,     academic     painters     outnumbered     the 

Codex  Huygens,  folio  22 
Pierpont  Morgan  Library 



J.-L.-E.  Meissonier 

Friedland,  1807   "1875" 

oil  on  canvas  53V2  x  95'/2  in. 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art 

Gift  of  Henry  Hilton,  1887 

avant-garde,  but  the  wide  range  of  names  gathered  there  reflects 
the  enormous  response  that  Muybridge  finally  drew  from  the 
art  world:  Alma-Tadema,  Bonnat,  Meissonier,  Marks,  Menzel, 
Millais,  Bouguereau,  Carolus-Duran,  Defregger,  Gerome, 
Herkomer,  Kaulbach,  Lenbach,  Puvis  de  Chavannes,  Rodin, 
Whistler,  to  name  a  few. 

Although  not  a  subscriber  to  the  later  work,  Edgar  Degas 
(1834-1917)  saw  the  publication  of  the  instantaneous 
photographs  in  La  Nature  in  1878,  and  thereafter  followed 
Muybridge's  work  closely.  While  most  of  the  contemporary 
artists  made  a  purely  literal  use  of  the  analytical  studies,  Degas's 
involvement  with  them,  and  with  photography  in  general,  is 
much  more  complex.46  He  was  an  ardent  admirer  of  the 
medium  and  a  fine  photographer  himself,  and  he  had  a 
perceptive  eye  for  the  unconventional  pictorial  elements  which 
photography  offered.  The  numerous  sketches  Degas  made  of 
horses  and  of  dancers  attest  to  his  preoccupation  with  the 
correct  analysis  of  movement.  He  did  not  only  use  the  new 
photographic  analysis  in  a  general  way,  but  he  studied  it 
intently,  making  drawings  and  sculpture  after  some  of  the 
plates  in  Animal  Locomotion  (the  drawing  of  "Annie  G.  in 
canter,"  after  plate  620,  and  the  sculpture  of  a  Draught  Horse 
after  "Johnson  Hauling,"  plate  57 1).47 

The  passionate  study  of  movement  in  science  and  art  can  be 
followed  throughout  the  nineteenth  century.  During  the  first 
half  of  the  nineteenth  century  the  caricatural  picture  story, 
unfettered  by  the  conventions  of  academic  art,  had  made  its 
point  with  a  sequence  of  rapid  movements  following  each  other 
in  strips.  At  the  end  of  the  century,  when  scientific, 
photographic  and  artistic  searches  had  explored  movement  and 
its  representation  to  the  threshold  of  the  cinema,  Edouard 
Vuillard  (1868-1940)  made  a  number  of  drawings  of  his  model 
in  cinematographic  sequence.  Degas  and  Vuillard  were 
enthusiastic  photographers  who  did  not  hesitate  to  use  the  new 
medium  for  their  work.  In  the  early  1890s,  Vuillard  made  two 
lithographs  depicting  young  women  in  various  poses,  Llnterieur 
aux  cinq  poses  and  L 'Atelier.  At  about  the  same  time,  the  artist 
also  attempted  to  render  successive  movements  of  a  model  and 
began  to  arrange  individual  studies  in  a  sequential  row  so  that 
they  strongly  convey  the  idea  of  cinematographic  progression. 
The  Stanford  Museum  recently  acquired  a  drawing  of  a  young 
woman  sewing  and  apparently  in  the  process  of  trying  on  her 
garment.  At  least  two  similar  drawings  are  known,  all  done  at 
the     same     time.  48   In     Germany,      Franz      von      Lenbach 




Subscribers  to   Animal  Locomotion 

From   Descriptive  Zoopraxography,    1893 

Rare  Books  and  Special  Collections,  Stanford  University  Libraries 


Thomas  Eakins  (1844-1916) 

The  Fairman  Rogers  Four-in-Hand  "1879" 

oil  on  canvas,  24  x  36  in.,  Philadelphia  Museum  of  Art 

Gift  of  William  A.  Dick 

(1836-1904),  the  famous  Munich  portrait  painter  and  a 
subscriber  to  the  Muybridge  Philadelphia  publication,  was 
fascinated  by  the  new  medium,  and  made  extensive  use  of  it 
for  his  portraits  from  the  1890s.  The  painter  used  a  sequence 
of  individual  stills  showing  the  sitter  from  different  angles  and 
in  slightly  varied  poses  as  well  as  enlargements.  Such  a  series  of 
individual  photographic  studies  does  not  render  continuous 
motion,  but  as  multiple  images  arranged  in  a  sequence,  they 
remind  one  strongly  of  a  Muybridge  page  with  which  Lenbach 
was  very  familiar. 


In  America,  too,  artists  grasped  immediately  the  novelty  and 
the  potential  of  instantaneous  photographs.  Like  Meissonier, 
Thomas  Eakins  (1844-1916)  applied  the  new  knowledge  in  a 
large  painting,  his  first  important  Philadelphia  commission,  The 
Fairman  Rogers  Four-in-Hand,  1879,  now  in  the  Philadelphia 
Museum.  50  For  this  painting,  originally  called  A  May  Morning 
in  the  Park,  he  made  drawings  and  even  sculptures  after 
Muybridge's  series  of  twelve  photographs  of  Abe  Edgington 
trotting,  taken  in  June  1878.  At  that  time  a  set  of  six  mounted 
photographs  of  Muybridge's  The  Horse  in  Motion  were  for 
sale;  Eakins  obtained  a  set.  He  certainly  was  aware  of  the 
ambivalent  reaction  such  an  unconventional  representation 
would  arouse,  for  he  made  use  of  the  correct  positions  of  the 
trot,  but  abstained  from  applying  the  same  analytical  findings 
for  the  turning  wheels  of  the  carriage,  a  fact  that  was  severely 
criticized  by  the  American  artist  Joseph  Pennell,  Whistler's 
friend  and  biographer,  when  he  delivered  a  lecture  at  the 
London  Camera  Club  Conference  in  1891  and  vehemently 
denied  any  pretension  to  regard  photography  as  an  art  or  to 
upgrade  its  value  for  artists:  "If  you  photograph  an  object  in 
motion,  all  feeling  of  motion  is  lost,  and  the  object  at  once 
stands  still."51  In  contrast  to  Marey,  he  believed  that 
instantaneous  photographs  could  serve  as  mere  suggestions  "for 
hints  of  swift  action,"  but  not  more.  Like  Marey,  Fairman 
Rogers,  "the  intelligent  art  patron"  and  director  of  the 
Philadelphia  Academy,  who  had  commissioned  the  painting 
eleven  years  earlier,  had  no  doubt  at  that  time  about  the  value 
of  Muybridge's  photographs.  [See  Documents,  D.]  Other 
American  artists,  like  Frederick  Remington,  made  ample  use  of 
the  analytical  photographs  of  horses,  but  the  connection 
remained  a  rather  superficial  one,  restricted  as  it  was  to  the 
exact  rendering  of  the  horse's  gaits.  Like  the  European 
academic  and  battle  painters,  they  were  unable  to  see  in  any 
other  elements  of  Muybridge's  pictures  a  stepping  stone  for 
their  art. 

Muybridge  and  the  Artists  of  the  Twentieth  Century 

With  the  Futurist  concern  for  the  representation  of  movement 
such  narrow,  literal  interest  in  Muybridge  was  gradually 
abandoned.  While  Frantisek  Kupka's  drawing  Les  Cavaliers 
echoes  the  simulation  of  moving  horses  in  a  cinematographic 
fashion,  '  it  was,  above  all,  the  sequential  arrangement  of 
successive  stills  in  Animal  Locomotion,  and  the  "extreme" 
positions  they  revealed,  that  were  to  have  a  lasting  impact  after 
the  photographer  was  long  dead  and  his  once-sensational 
zoopraxiscope  had  become  a  forgotten  relic  in  the  small 
collection  of  the  Central  Library  in  his  home  town, 
Kingston-upon-Thames.  Twentieth-century  artists  grew 
increasingly  responsive  to  the  pictorial  potential  of  Muybridge's 
serial  pictures.  It  was  the  oddity  and  awkwardness  of  certain 
stills,  the  apparent  distortion  and  unexpected  foreshortening  of 
moving  bodies  that  attracted  Francis  Bacon.  53  Bacon  became 
so  engrossed  by  Muybridge's  photographs  that  he  acquired  an 
intimate  knowledge  of  hundreds  of  his  images,  especially  of 
subjects  that  went  almost  unnoticed  in  the  nineteenth  century, 
like  Muybridge's  series  Paralytic  Child  Walking  on  all  Fours. 
The  stimulus  that  Muybridge's  work  radiated  was  manifold  and 
often  indirect,  such  as  we  find  it  in  the  program  and  teaching 
of  the  Bauhaus.  But  the  new  concepts  proposed  in  Lazlo 
Moholy-Nagy's  book  Malerei  Fotografie  Film  (1925) 54  could 
only  evolve  from  the  innovations  of  Muybridge  and  his 
contemporaries.  Andy  Warhol  was  inspired  by  the  sequential 
arrangement  of  slightly  varied  images,  as  in  his  paintings  of 
1963;  Warhol  eventually  turned  to  making  motion  pictures. 

A  Controversy  of  Aesthetics 

Muybridge  had  become  aware  of  the  aesthetic  problems  of  his 
innovative  photography  by  the  utter  shock  and  disbelief  that 
his  truthful,  but  "ungraceful"  and  "extreme"  images  had 
caused,  and  by  the  sceptical  or  ambivalent  reaction  among 
artists  and  critics  who  questioned  their  value  for  art.  For 
centuries,  the  credo  of  artists  had  required  the  study  of  nature 
and  the  truthful  rendering  of  observation.  How  could  this 
principle  be  reconciled  with  pictures  that  contradicted  all 
conventional  perception,  but  still  were  correct  beyond  all 

Georges    Gueroult,    in    his    article    "Formes,    Couleurs    et 


Right,  Muy bridge,  Sallie  Gardner  Running  1878 

Zoopraxiscope  disk 

Central  Library,  Kingston-upon-Thames 

Below,  the  "accepted  idea"  vs.  photographic  evidence 

ilfilllt  '~"^a 



ol    vim    -No.  5  1 


IT  n 

'/ :"":.: 

~  i 


«  -Ipa, 


c  l  y 


Cortom  BUetl  of  •  Hunting  F>e 

Hu.rt>n<l««*  Katurel  I 

Mouvements,"  in  the  Gazette  des  Beaux-Arts  of  1882,  criticized 
precisely  this  extreme  oddity  of  Muybridge's  analytical 

"The  attitudes  are,  for  the  most  part,  not  only  ungraceful, 
but  have  a  false  and  impossible  appearance.  The  Americans, 
great  realists,  .  .  .did  not  fail  to  prove  Gericault  and  Vernet 
wrong;  they  pretended  that  the  photographs  of  Muybridge  were 
a  sort  of  revelation  which  was  to  overthrow  all  accepted 
notions  of  drawing  the  horse." 

The  author  even  declared  that  the  Muybridge  photographs 
were  "wrong,"  visually  speaking,  because  they  showed  the 
galloping  horse  as  the  human  eye  can  never  see  it,  and  therefore, 
at  the  end  of  his  essay,  he  urged  artists  "to  speak  in  their  own 
language.  55  Rodin,  whose  signature  appears  in  the  subscription 
list  to  Animal  Locomotion,  emphasized  this  point  when 
questioned  about  how  he  would  reconcile  the  truth  revealed  in 
Muybridge's  photographs  with  the  traditional  claim  to  copy 
nature  sincerely: 

".  .  .it  is  the  artist  who  is  truthful  and  it  is  photography 
which  lies,  for  in  reality  time  does  not  stop,  and  if  the  artist 
succeeds  in  producing  the  impression  of  a  movement  which 
takes  several  moments  for  accomplishment,  his  work  is  certainly 
much  less  conventional  than  the  scientific  image,  where  time  is 
abruptly  suspended.56 

Rodin  criticized  contemporary  French  battle  painters  for  the 
literal  application  of  Muybridge's  findings.  Eakins  had  been 
reprimanded  for  the  same,  not  because  of  the  oddity  of 
individual  positions,  but  because  the  single  isolated  still  he  used 
did  not  convey  the  feeling  of  motion.  Although  Marey  had 
explicitly  stated  that  he  did  not  want  to  deal  with  the  problems 
of  aesthetics,  a  field  that  was  not  his  own,  he  repeatedly 
pointed  to  the  value  of  his  and  Muybridge's  photographic 
results  for  artists.  Aware  of  the  unexpected  and  odd  attitudes 
such  photographic  evidence  revealed,  he  was  convinced  that 
among  the  numerous  positions  of  successive  movement  caught 
by  the  camera,  there  surely  would  be  one  which  the  artist 
could  employ  without  offending  the  laws  of  traditional 
aesthetics.  Thus  the  artist  would  be  able  to  achieve  not  only  a 
greater  variety,  but  also  a  new  representation  of  movement.5 

Muybridge  himself  recognized  clearly  why  the  reaction  of 
artists  was  bound  to  be  so  ambivalent: 

"If  it  is  impressed  on  our  minds  in  infancy  that  a  certain 
arbitrary    symbol    indicates    an    existing    fact;    if    this    same 

association  of  emblem  and  reality  is  reiterated  at  the 
preparatory  school,  insisted  upon  at  college,  and  pronounced 
correct    at    the    university;    symbol    and    fact — or    supposed 

fact become    so    intimately    blended    that    it    is    extremely 

difficult  to  disassociate  them,  even  when  reason  and  personal 
observation  teaches  us  that  they  have  no  true  relationship."  58 

Once  the  human  mind  has  made  the  association  of  an  image 
with  reality,  even  scientific  proof  has  difficulties  overcoming 
the  convention  of  such  traditionally  accepted  "signs." 

Paul  Valery,  who  first  wrote  about  Degas's  fascination  with 
Muybridge's  instantaneous  photographs  of  horses,  speculated 
about  the  intricate  connection  between  conventional  perception 
and  the  technical  innovation: 

"Muybridge's  photographs  laid  bare  all  the  mistakes  that 
sculptors  and  painters  had  made  in  their  renderings  of  the 
various  postures  of  the  horse.  They  showed  how  inventive  the 
eye  is,  or  rather  how  much  the  sight  elaborates  on  the  data  it 
gives  us  as  the  positive  and  impersonal  result  of  observation. 
Between  the  state  of  vision  as  mere  patches  of  color  and  as 
things  or  objects,  a  whole  series  of  mysterious  operations  takes 
place,  reducing  to  order  as  best  it  can  the  incoherence  of  raw 
perceptions,  resolving  contradictions,  bringing  to  bear  judgments 
formed  since  early  infancy,  imposing  continuity,  connection, 
and  the  systems  of  change  which  we  group  under  the  labels  of 
space,  time,  matter,  and  movement.  This  was  why  the  horse 
was  imagined  to  move  in  the  way  the  eye  seemed  to  see  it;  and 
it  might  be  that,  if  these  old-style  representations  were 
examined  with  sufficient  subtlety,  the  law  of  unconscious 
falsification  might  be  discovered  by  which  it  seemed  possible  to 
picture  the  positions  of  a  bird  in  flight,  or  a  horse  galloping,  as 
if  they  could  be  studied  at  leisure;  but  these  interpolated  pauses 
are  imaginary.  Only  probable  positions  could  be  assigned  to 
movement  so  rapid,  and  it  might  be  worthwhile  to  try  to 
define,  by  means  of  documentary  comparison,  this  kind  of 
creative  seeing  by  which  the  understanding  filled  the  gaps  in 
sense  perception" 


The  "issue  over  which  the  battle  broke,"  as  E.H.  Gombrich 
put  it,  was  the  galloping  horse. 60Many  modern  artists  were  well 
aware  of  the  scientific  basis  of  instantaneous  and  of 
chronophotographs.  In  their  novelty  these  photographs  carried 
conviction  and  pictorial  potential:  they  provided  the  artist  with 
both  truthful  observation  of  nature  and  unprecedented  images, 
conveying  and  stimulating  the  very  idea  of  movement.  The  time 


dimension  visually  caught  in  single  or  in  serial  images  created 
totally  new  compositional  formulae  to  represent  movement  in 
time  and  space.  Finally,  the  painter's  fascination  with 
movement  acquired  not  only  a  scientific  basis,  but  a  great 
variety  of  pictorial  models  from  the  multiple  and  sequential 
exposures  of  the  camera. 

Unaware     of     the     far-reaching     developments     that     the 

photographic  venture  at  Palo  Alto  Farm  would  engender, 
Stanford  had  initiated  a  series  of  experiments  which  influenced 
many  fields:  the  accurate  analysis  of  successive  movements  by 
instantaneous  photography  and  their  synthesis  with  the 
zoopraxiscope  stimulated  physiological  and  other  scientific 
research,  inspired  artists  and,  at  the  end  of  the  century,  led  to 
the  creation  of  an  entirely  new  medium,  the  one  that  has  come 
to  dominate  twentieth-century  vision:  the  motion  picture. 


1.  This  article  was  reprinted  in  Scientific  American, 
Supplement,  28  January  1882. 

2.  E.  Muybridge,  Animals  in  Motion,  London,  1899,  p.  4. 

3.  he  Globe,  Paris,  27  September  1881:  The  article  refers  to  the 
applicability  of  Muybridge 's  work  for  artists  and  to  a  remark 
by  Marey,  who  first  drew  a  parallel  between  instantaneous 
photographs  and  Japanese  prints:  "lis  [the  artists] 
s'habitueront,  comme  le  disait  M.  Marey,  It  peindre  le  vrai 
aussi  bien  que  les  Japonais  (pour  les  oiseaux),  et  a  le  faire 
accepter  au  public."  [For  another  excerpt  from  the  article, 
see  Documents,  I.] 

4.  Muybridge  in  his  description  of  the  zoopraxiscope,  op.  cit.,  p. 

5.  Muybridge  to  Frank  Shay,  Leland  Stanford's  private 
secretary.  [See  Documents  F,  for  full  texts  of  the  two  letters, 
which  are  in  the  Collis  P.  Huntington  Collection  of  the 
George  Arents  Research  Library,  Syracuse  University.] 

6.  This  project,  announced  in  the  letter  of  23  December  1881, 
and  the  question  of  the  copyright  of  Muybridge 's 
photographs  certainly  contributed  to  the  change  in 
Stanford's  attitude  toward  Muybridge.  The  ambitious  plan 
for  the  French  publication  never  materialized.  [See  Robert 
Haas's  biography  for  a  discussion  of  the  change  in  the 
relationship  between  Muybridge  and  his  patron.] 

7.  Gaston  Tissandier,  "Les  Allures  du  cheval.  Representees  par 
la  photographic  instantanee,"  La  Nature,  14  December  1878, 
pp.  23-26,  with  heliogravure  illustrations. 

8.  Marey  began  his  research  with  a  study  of  blood  circulation, 
Physiologic  mfdicale  de  la  circulation  du  sang,  Paris,  1863.  In 
all  of  his  publications  after  1881  he  emphasized  the  great 
value  of  the  photographic  method  for  his  work.  In  several  of 

his  books  he  described  the  Muybridge  system  and  also  gave 
credit  to  Stanford  for  his  pioneering  application  of 
photography  to  problems  of  animai  locomotion.  Cf. 
particularly,  Developpement  de  la  methode  grcphique  par 
I'emploi  de  la  photographic  Supplement  a  la  methode 
graphique,  Paris,  1885,  pp.  7-12.  Marey's  own  works  provide 
the  best  source  for  any  study  of  his  physiological  research 
and  the  development  of  his  photographic  methods  and  the 
cameras  he  constructed  for  his  investigations. 

9.  Marey's  letter,  dated  18  December  1878,  was  published  in  La 
Nature  for  28  December  1878,  p.  54,  and  Muybridge's 
answer,  dated  17  February  1879,  appeared  in  the  issue  of  22 
March,  1879,  p.  246.  [For  the  texts  of  the  two  letters,  see 
Documents,  C] 

10.  E.  J.  Marey,  Animal  Mechanism,  a  Treatise  on  Terrestrial  and 
Aerial  Locomotion,  London  and  New  York,  2nd  ed.,  1874, 
The  International  Scientific  Series,  vol.  XI,  p.  138  and  pp. 
147-148.  The  first  French  edition  appeared  in  1873  under 
the  title  La  Machine  animale,  locomotion  terrestre  et 
aerie  nne 

Other  physiological  research  was  carried  out  at  the  same 
time,  cf.  J.  Bell  Pettigrew,  Animal  Locomotion,  London, 
International  Scientific  Series,  vol.  VII,  1872.  Earlier 
investigations  include  the  analytical  attempts  made  by  the 
Weber  brothers;  by  Wachter,  who  published  in  1862  a  series 
of  drawings  illustrating  the  gallop;  and  by  Raabe.  Helmut  and 
Alison  Gernsheim,  in  The  History  of  Photogrcphy,  London, 
1969,  pp.  435-436,  even  refer  to  earlier  suggestions,  which 
went  in  the  same  direction  as  the  Stanford/Muybridge 
experiments:  "In  1860  Thomas  Rose,  an  amateur 
photographer,  suggested  using  100  stereoscopic  cameras  in  a 


row,  giving  exposures  of  1/6  second  at  intervals  of  the  same 
duration.  The  positive  prints  were  to  be  mounted  in  pairs  on 
a  large  phenakistiscope  disk,  which,    when  revolving,  would 

reproduce  the  action  of  life  in  stereoscopic  relief i.e.  a 

three-dimensional  "moving  picture".  (From  The 
Photographic  News,  18  May  1860,  p.  33.)  Cf.  also:  Beaumont 
Newhall,  The  History  of  Photography,  Museum  of  Modern 
Art,  New  York,  1949,  chapter  7,  "The  Conquest  of  Action," 
pp.  103-118. 

11.  Emile  Duhousset,  Le  Cheval,  Paris,  1874.  Another  book 
devoted  to  the  study  of  the  horse  and  its  gaits  had  appeared 
the  year  before:  Emile  Debost,  Cinesie  Equestre,  Paris,  1873, 
but  the  author  did  not  consider  representations  of  the  horse 
in  art. 

12.  Duhousset  not  only  provided  illustrations  for  Marey's  Animal 
Mechanism,  but  also  for  the  long  article  which  Marey  had 
published  in  two  installments  in  La  Nature  two  months 
before  Tissandier  broke  the  news  of  Muybridge's  successful 
experiments,  cf.  Marey,  "Moteurs  animes.  Experiences  de 
physiologie  graphique,"  La  Nature,  28  September  and  5 
October  1878.  In  these  articles,  Marey  published  a  lecture  he 
had  given  at  the  French  Association  for  the  Advancement  of 
Science  in  August.  In  Animal  Mechanism,  p.  152,  Marey 
specifically  acknowledged  his  indebtedness  to  Duhousset 's 
experiments  and  to  his  faithful  translations  of  the  graphic 
notations.  Later,  in  La  Chronophotographie,  Paris,  1899, 
Marey  again  noted  how  close  these  drawings  came  to  the 
positions  of  the  horse  as  revealed  in  Muybridge's  photographs 
(P.  8). 

13.  Philippe  Burty,  "L'Oeuvre  de  M.  Meissonier  et  les 
photographies  de  M.  Bingham,"  Gazette  des  Beaux-Arts,  Vol. 
XX,  January  1866,  pp.  78-89. 

14.  All  references  and  quotations  after  the  English  translation: 
Vallery  K.O.  Greard,  Meissonier,  His  Life  and  His  Art,  2 
Vols.,  London,  1897;  this  reference,  Vol.  I,  p.  78. 

15.  "In  the  days  before  photography  it  was  very  difficult  to  work 
from  actual  data."  Greard,  op.  cit.,  Vol.  II,  p.  326. 

16.  Paul  Meyerheim,  Adolf  von  Menzel,  Erinnerungen,  Berlin, 
1906,  pp.  97-102. 

17.  Greard,  op.  cit.,  Vol.  I,  p.  78. 

18.  Ibid.,  Vol.11  p.  266. 

19.  G.  Potonnie,  Cent  ans  de  photographie,  1839-1939,  Paris, 
Societe"  d'histoire  generale  et  d'histoire  diplomatique,  classe 
de  Vhistoire  des  sciences,  I,  1940,  p.  158.  No  source  is  given 
for  this  episode. 

20.  Date  given  by  Muybridge  in  his  article  published  in  the  San 
Francisco  Examiner,  6  February  1881.  [See  Documents,  E.] 

21.  In  the  English  translation  the  text  reads:  "He  asked  me  to 
paint  her  portrait."  The  reference  to  "her"  certainly  is  a 
mistranslation     of     the      French      text,     Meissonier,     ses 

souvenirs ses  entretiens.  Precedes  d'une  etude  sur  sa  vie  et 

son  oeuvre  par  M.O.  Greard,  Paris,  1897,  pp.  194-195.  It  is 
not  clear  from  the  sentence  if  Meissonier  meant  Mrs.  or  Mrs. 
Stanford's  portrait,  but  he  did  paint  only  one  portrait,  that 
of  Leland  Stanford,  now  in  the  Stanford  Museum.  Historical 
fact  and  the  context  of  the  whole  paragraph  make  it  quite 
clear  that  the  translation  should  read;  "He  asked  me  to  paint 
his  portrait."  This  has  caused  some  confusion  in  the 

22.  The  usual  estimate  of  the  costs  of  these  experiments  is 
around  $40,000.  Exaggerated  rumors  about  Stanford's 
expenses  circulated  in  America  as  well  as  in  Europe,  and,  if 
this  account  is  correct,  were  evidently  not  disallowed  by 

23.  Gre'ard,  op.  cit.,  Vol.  II,  p.  267. 

24.  The  Attitudes  of  Animals  in  Motion:  A  Series  of  Photographs 
Illustrating  the  Consecutive  Positions  Assumed  by  Animals  in 
Performing  Various  Movements.  "Executed  at  Palo  Alto, 
California,  in  1878  and  1879,  Copyright  1881,  by 

25.  This  article,  signed  VAL  and  dated  "Paris,  June  26,  1881," 
appeared  in  the  Sacramento  Daily  Record-Union,  23  July 
1881  under  the  title:  "How  Governor  Stanford  Converted 
Meissonier.  The  Great  Horse  Painter  Finds  that  He  Has  Been 
in  Error  as  to  the  Horse  all  His  Life."  The  author  must  refer 
to  Stanford's  second  visit  to  Meissonier's  studio  in  June 
1881,  when  he  brought  along  a  bound  volume  of  Muybridge's 
photographs.  At  this  time  the  French  painter  knew  of 
Muybridge's  work  through  Marey  and  the  prints  which 
Stanford  must  have  shown  him  in  1879,  during  his  first  visit. 

26.  Muybridge,  dedication  page  of  The  Attitudes  of  Animals  in 

27.  Gre'ard,  op.  cit.,  II,  p.  289:  "Leland  Stanford,  Governor  of 
California,  asked  me  to  paint  his  portrait  in  1881.  I  had  it 
engraved  for  him  by  Jules  Jacquet.  His  cane  was  introduced 
for  a  special  reason.  It  was  the  one  he  always  used.  He  prized 
it  greatly,  for  on  the  handle  was  a  little  gold  plate,  made  from 
the      first      nugget      he     found,     the      foundation     of     his 

fortune. On  the  table  by  the  side  of  the  famous  cane  lies 

an  open  album.  It  contains  the  first  horses  and  animals  in 
motion  photographed  by  the  American  Muridge."  (With  the 
wrong  spelling  of  Muybridge's  name  in  the  English 
translation).  According  to  Muybridge,  Stanford  paid  $10,000 
for  his  portrait.  [Letter  of  28  November  1881,  see 
Documents,  F]. 

28.  G.T.  Clark,  Leland  Stanford,  War  Governor  of  California, 
Railroad  Builder  and  Founder  of  Stanford  University, 
Stanford  University  Press,  1931,  p.  343. 

29.  Potonnie,  op.  cit.,  p.  125,  without  source.  Cf.  also  Marey,  La 
Chronphotographie,  pp.  6-8. 


30.  Robert  Taft,  Photography  and  the  American  Scene,  New 
York,  1938;  new  edition,  New  York,  Dover,  1964,  p.  XIII,  n. 
8.  Tegetmeier  reported  his  presentation  in  the  Field,  London, 
28  June  1879.  Other  references  in:  San  Francisco  Bulletin,  5 
May  1880  and  Alta  California  of  the  same  date. 

31.  Marey,  Animal  Mechanism,  p.  137.  Marey  adds  that  Carlet 
and  Mathias  Duval,  professor  of  anatomy  at  the  Ecole  des 
Beaux-Arts,  carried  out  this  plan. 

32.  Marey,  Le  Mouvement,  Paris,  1894,  pp.  300-301. 

33.  Duhousset,  "Reproduction  instantanee  des  allures  du  cheval, 
au  moyen  de  l'electricite  appliquee  a  la  photographie," 
L'lllustration,  25  January  1879.  Muybridge's  collection  of 
newspaper  clippings  also  includes  an  advertisement  of 
Duhousset's  book  from  Journal  Amusant,  7  June  1879. 

34.  E.  Muybridge,  Zoopraxography,  or  the  Science  of  Animal 
Locomotion  Made  Popular,  University  of  Pennsylvania, 
1893.  His  Appendix  A,  pp.  1-2  gives  a  detailed  syllabus  of  the 
lectures  and  an  abbreviated  list  of  the  subjects  on  some  of  his 
disks.  "Abbreviated  Criticism,"  Appendix  A,  pp.  4-34. 
Appendix  B,  pp.  8-14,  lists  the  subscribers  to  the  Philadelphia 
publication.  The  original  glass  positives  that  Muybridge  used 
for  his  lectures  are  now  in  the  Museum  and  Art  Gallery  at 
Kingston-upon-Thames  and  in  the  Science  Museum,  London. 

35.  For  the  enthusiastic  as  well  as  the  critical  response,  see  also 
Aaron  Scharf,  Art  and  Photography,  London,  1968,  in  his 
chapter  "The  Representation  of  Movement  in  Photography 
and  Art",  pp.  162-178. 

36.  Erwin  Panofsky,  The  Codex  Huygens  and  Leonardo  da 
Vinci's  Art  Theory,  Studies  of  the  Warburg  Institute,  vol.  13, 
London,  1940,  see  particularly  fols.  22  and  29,  pp.  27-29 
with  figs.  10  and  13. 

37.  Paul  Vale'ry,  Degas  Danse  Dessin,  Paris,  Vollard,  1936,  p.  60. 

38.  In  Le  Mouvement,  p.  108,  Marey  gives  August  as  the  month 
of  Muybridge's  arrival  in  Paris. 

39.  Le  Mouvement,  p.  108.  In  Physiologie  du  mouvement.  Le 
Vol  des  oiseaux,  Paris,  1890,  p.  131,  after  describing 
Muybridge's  method  of  taking  instantaneous  photographs, 
Marey  again  mentions  the  photographs  of  pigeons  which  he 
had  brought  along  to  Paris,  and  points  to  the  differences  of 
Muybridge's  method  and  his  own,  which  he  had  developed  in 
the  meantime.  Whereas  the  Muybridge  method  did  not 
produce  successive  photographs  of  flying  birds  which  could 
be  arranged,  like  those  of  galloping  horses,  in  a  series,  Marey 's 
photographic  gun  enabled  him  to  take  such  pictures;  he 
published  them  in  this  book. 

40  In  an  excellent  study,  "Eakins,  Muybridge  and  the  Motion 
Picture  Process",  Art  Quarterly,  Vol.  XXVI,  Summer  1963, 
pp.  194-216,  W.I.  Homer,  with  J.  Talbot,  stressed  the  fact 
that  Eakins's  contribution  to  the  development  of  the  motion 
picture  consisted  in  the  perfection  of  methods  and  devices 

constructed  and  used  earlier  by  Marey  and  Muybridge,  rather 
than  in  an  innovative  mechanism  of  his  own.  Homer  and 
Talbot  also  pointed  out  that  Muybridge  worked  with  a 
modification  of  the  "Marey-Wheel"  in  1884.  Eakins  made 
analytical  drawings  of  the  Muybridge  photographs  based  on 
Marey's  diagrams  as  well  as  sketches  and  sculpture  from  the 
Edgington  series  for  his  painting  The  Fairman  Rogers 

41.  In  a  letter  to  the  Burlington  Magazine,  "Concerning 
Muybridge,  Marey  and  Seurat,"  Vol.  104,  September  1962, 
pp.  391-392,  W.I.  Homer  contested  this  connection  that 
Scharf  had  made  earlier  in  "Painting,  Photography  and  the 
Image  of  Movement,"  ibid..  Vol.  CIV,  1962,  pp.  186-195. 
Even  if  there  was  no  direct  influence,  it  seems  unlikely  that 
Seurat  was  unaware  of  Marey's  researches.  For  further 
discussion,  cf.  A.  Scharf,  Art  and  Photography,  pp.  177-178. 

42.  For  the  impact  of  Marey's  chronophotographs,  see  also  A. 
Scharf,  op.  cit.,  and,  more  general,  O.  Stelzer,  Kunst  und 
Photographie,  Munich,  1966.  Balla's  and  Duchamp's 
paintings  were  also  exhibited  in  Malerei  nach  Fotografie,  von 
der  Camera  Obscura  bis  zur  Pop  Art,  Munich,  Stadtmuseum, 
1970,  cat.  nos.  982  and  987.  The  well-documented  catalogue 
is  by  J. A.  Schmoll  gen.  Eisenwerth. 

43.  Muybridge,  Animals  in  Motion,  p. 4 

44.  Marey,  Le  Mouvement,  p.  165. 

45.  Greard,  op.  cit.,  II,  pp.  306-306,  quotes  the  letter  which 
Meissonier  wrote  about  the  painting  to  Mr.  Stewart  of  New 
York,  the  purchaser.  [See  also  Documents,  G.]  Meissonier 
had  worked  on  the  painting  over  a  period  of  ten  years.  About 
the  galloping  cuirassiers,  p.  307;  the  watercolor,  p.  309; 
about  the  concept  of  the  entire  Napoleon  cycle,  pp.  298-299. 
Like  every  other  figure  in  the  painting,  each  horse  had  its 
own  dossier  of  studies. 

According  to  E.  Duhousset,  Le  Cheval  dans  la  nature  at  dans 
L'art,  Paris,  1902,  Meissonier  copied  the  painting  in  a 
watercolor  larger  than  the  original  oil  for  the  Exposition 
universelle,  1889  (now  in  the  Huntington  Hartford 
Collection)  and  he  made  only  minor  modifications. 
Duhousset  states  that  it  was  painful  for  Meissonier  to  accept 
the  positions  of  galloping  horses  as  they  were  revealed  in 
instantaneous  photographs.  But  whereas  Meissonier  made 
only  slight  modifications  for  the  watercolor  1807,  in  later 
years  he  modeled  in  wax  a  rider  after  a  Muybridge 
photograph  for  the  painting  Le  matin  de  la  bataille  de 
Castiglione,  which  was  shown  with  the  wax  model  in  a  small 
exhibition  at  the  Ecole  des  Beaux-Arts  in  1892. 

46.  For  Degas 's  attitude  toward,  and  use  of  photography,  see  A. 
Scharf,  "Painting,  Photography,  and  the  Image  of 
Movement,"  Burlington  Magazine,  CIV,  1962,  pp.  186-195, 
and   in  Art  and  Photography,    chapters   eight   and    nine,  an 





extremely  detailed,  well-documented  and  well-illustrated 

Van  Deren  Coke,  The  Painter  and  the  Photograph,  New 
Mexico  University  Press,  1964,  p.  15. 

A  very  closely  related  drawing  of  probably  the  same  model  is 
reproduced  in  Art  News  Annual,  XXIII,  1954,  p.  55,  titled 
Studies  of  a  Japanese  Model  and  dated  ca.  1900.  Another 
sketchbook  drawing  which  depicts  a  woman  sewing  in  seven 
successive  individual  studies  is  reproduced  in:  E.  Vuillard, 
Cahiers  de  dessins,  note  by  J.  Salomon  and  preface  by  A. 
Vaillant,  Paris,  1950  (no  pagination).  For  Vuillard 's  own 
photography  and  use  of  it  for  his  work,  see  the  catalogue  of 
the  exhibition  Vuillard  et  son  Kodak,  London,  Lefevre 
Gallery,  March  1964. 

Malerei  nach  Fotografie,  op.  cit.,  pp.  75-90  with  illustrations. 
Eakins  entered  into  correspondence  with  Muybridge  in  1879; 
he  suggested  a  new  system  of  marking  the  background  against 
which  the  horses  were  photographed  for  more  accurate 
measurement.  He  had  lantern  slides  made  from  the  series,  and 
used  them  for  instruction  at  the  Philadelphia  Academy. 
Gordon  Hendricks  has  discussed  A  May  Morning  in  the  Park 
in  great  detail:  Bulletin  of  the  Philadelphia  Museum  of  Art, 
Spring,  1965,  pp.  49-64,  and  also  the  correspondence 
between  Eakins  and  Muybridge,  and  between  Fairman  Rogers 
and  Muybridge.  The  article  is  a  detailed  documentation  of 
the  connection  between  Eakins'  work  on  the  painting  and 
Muybridge's  photographic  analysis  of  the  horse's  trot.  See 
also:  L.  Goodrich,  Thomas  Eakins,  New  York,  1933;  and  B. 
Newhall,  "Photography  and  the  Development  of  Kinetic 
Visualization,"  Journal  of  the  Warburg  and  Courtauld 
Institutes,  VII,  London,  1944,  pp.  40-45. 
The    exhibition    catalogue    by    Gordon    Hendricks,    Thomas 

Eakins:  His  Photographic  Works,  Pennsylvania  Academy  of 
the  Fine  Arts,  Philadelphia,  1969,  documented  in  several 
instances  how  often  Eakins  used  his  own  photographs  for 
paintings,  and  further,  how  much  he  regarded  photography  as 
a  part  of  his  work. 

Joseph  Pennell,  "Photography  as  a  Hindrance  and  Help  to 
Art,"  British  Journal  of  Photography,  London,  8  May  1891, 
Vol.  38,  pp.  294-296. 

Exhibited  in  Malerei  nach  Fotografie,  cat.  no.  980. 
J.  Rothenstein  and  R.  Alley,  Francis  Bacon,  London  1964, 
deal  extensively  with  the  relationship  between  Muybridge's 
photographs  and  Bacon's  paintings.  More  general:  J.  Russell, 
Francis  Bacon,  London,  1971,  pp.  109-113. 
Bauhausbucher  8,  Munich,  1925.  The  first  English  edition: 
Painting,  Photography,  Film,  with  a  note  by  H.  Wingler  and  a 
postscript  by  O.  Stelzer,  London,  1969. 

G.  Gueroult,  "Formes,  Couleurs  et  Mouvements,"  Gazette  des 
Beaux-Arts,  2nd  period,  Vol.  25,  Paris,  1882,  p.  178  and  179. 
Quoted  after  the  English  translation,  Paul  Gsell,  On  Art  and 
Artists,  London,  1958,  p.  91.  The  original  French  edition 
appeared  in  1911. 
57.  Marey,  Photographie  du  mouvement,  Paris,  1892,  particularly 
p.  56  and  pp.  62-64. 

Muybridge,  Animals  in  Motion,  p.  164. 

Quoted  after  the  English  translation  by  D.  Paul,  Paul  Valery, 
Degas, Manet,  Morisot,  introduction  by  D.  Cooper,  Vol. XII  of 
the  collected  works,  New  York,  1960,  p.  41.  First  published 
in  1936. 
60.  E.H.  Gombrich,  "Moment  and  Movement  in  Art,  "Journal  of 
the  Warburg  and  Courtauld  Institutes,  XXVII,  1964,  pp. 
296-297  in  regard  to  Muybridge. 







Frangoise  Forster-Hahn  is  Curator  of  the  Stanford  University 
Museum  of  Art  and  Lecturer,  Stanford  University 



Selected  and  annotated  by  Anita  Ventura  Mozley  and  J.  Sue  Porter 

A.  Technical  Matters 

"A  New  Sky  Shade" 

Under  this  title,  Muybridge  published 
details  of  a  device  that  made  it  possible  to 
vary  exposure  times  on  a  single  plate,  thus 
compensating  for  the  difference  in 
sensitivity  of  his  plates  to  different  colors 
in  the  landscape.  The  article  appeared  in 
the  prestigious  journal  of  photography, 
The  Philadelphia  Photographer,  edited  by 
Edward  L.  Wilson,  Vol.  V.,  May,  1869,  and 
is  reprinted  here  through  the  kind  help  of 
Beaumont  Newhall.  It  is  signed  "Helios, " 
the  pseudonym  Muybridge  used  for  his 
photographic  work  until  he  published  his 
Yosemite  series  of  1872. 

I  have  been  reading  with  some  interest 
M.  Carey  Lea's  article  "On  New 
Diaphragms,"  in  the  February  number  of 
the  Photographer,  and  foreseeing  certain 
disadvantages  and  inconveniences  by  the 
use  of  the  diaphragms  therein  proposed,  I 
submit  to  your  notice  a  sky-shade,  which  I 
have  had  in  use  some  time,  with  the 
exception  of  a  minor  arrangement  included 
here,  and  which  I  think  will  be  found  to 
embrace  all  the  advantages  claimed  either 
for  the  perforated  metal  shade  of  Mr.  Lea, 
or  the  inclined  diaphragm  of  Mr.  Sutton, 
with  the  addition  of  greater  adaptability 
and  simplicity  in  use. 

A,  is  the  camera  front  supporting  the 
lenses  a  a.  B  is  a  frame  of  wood  of  a 
suitable  size,  and  extending  outward  from 
the  camera-front  as  far  as  convenient, 
without  obstructing  any  portion  of  the 
view  it  is  desirable  to  include  in  the 
negative.    C,   C,   are   grooves   in   which  the 

shutter,  Fig.  2,  is  kept  in  place.  D,  D,  D, 
are  sections  of  rubber  tubing,  to  break  the 
force  of  the  shutter  in  a  rapid  descent.  E, 
E,  are  springs,  forced  inward  in  its  descent 
by  the  projecting  top  of  the  shutter,  H,  and 
in  their  relaxation  preventing  any  rebound 
of  the  shutter.  M1  and  M2  are 
spring-catches,  the  lower  to  hold  the 
shutter  up  while  focussing,  the  upper  for 
the  same  purpose  when  an  instantaneous 
exposure  is  desired.  Fig.  2  is  a  rear  view  of 
the  shutter  (i.e.  of  the  part  towards  the 
camera),  made  of  wood,  and  as  light  as  is 
consistent  with  its  duties.  H,  is  a  bar  of 
wood  firmly  attached  to  the  shutter 
proper,  G.  O,  0,  are  vertical  bars  attached 
to  G,  moving  in  the  grooves,  C,  C,  acting  as 
guides  when  the  shutter  is  elevated,  and 
also  as  supports  to  an  iron  rod,  I,  to  which 
they  are  connected  by  a  leather  hinge  at 
the  line,  V;  the  rod,  I,  is  of  greater  length 
than  the  width  of  the  frame,  and  works 
outside,  or  rather  in  front  of  it.  K,  is  a 
piece  of  black  cloth,  which  is  attached  to 
the  iron  rod,  I,  at  its  upper  part,  and  to  the 
bottom  of  the  frame,  B,  at  its  lower  part. 
The  manner  of  using  the  apparatus  is 
self-evident.  The  frame,  B,  being  attached 
to  the  camera,  the  springs,  E,  E,  are 
compressed  when  the  shutter  rises  a  short 
distance  by  the  expansion  of  the  rubber 
springs,  D,  D;  the  shutter  is  now  elevated 
and  supported  by  the  spring-catch,  M  , 
and  the  focussing  is  performed  (in  my 
camera  the  frame  is  about  two  inches  deep, 
but  I  have  an  arrangement  to  extend  it 
three  or  four  inches  further  from  the  front 
of  the  camera  if  necessary;  a  simple  piece 
of  board  cut  into  steps  on  either  side,  and 
the  focussing-cloth  does  duty  as  a  shade  for 
the  space  left  open  at  the  top).  This  done, 
the      shutter      is      released      from      the 




Muybridge's  lateral  sky-shade,  1879 
Stanford  University  Museum  of  Art 

spring-catch,  M  ,  and  allowed  to  fall  to  the 
sky-line,  which  is  carefully  noted  by  means 
of  the  scale,  F,  Fig.  1,  and  the  pin,  L,  Fig. 
2.  It  is  convenient  to  divide  the  scale  into 
one-eighth  inches;  this  will  be  found  near 
enough  for  practical  purposes.  A 
correspondingly  adapted  scale  may  be 
drawn  on  the  focussing-screen;  this, 
however,  will  perhaps  lead  to  confusion,  as 
each  lens  will  require  a  different  scale.  I 
content  myself  by  fixing  the  shutter  in 
place  when  the  sky-line  is  reached,  and 
then  examining  the  indicating-pin  in  front. 
The  middle  distances  are  now  noted,  and 
the  shutter  drawn  up  and  fastened  by  the 
catch,  M  ,  when  the  sky  is  sufficiently 
bright,  or  the  lenses  sufficiently  rapid  for 
an  "instantaneous"  exposure,  the  shutter  is 
released,  and  the  time  occupied  by  the 
exposure  is  regulated  by  the  size  of  the 
opening,  P,  Fig.  2.  If  a  more  lengthened 
exposure  is  desired,  it  is  best  first  to  raise 
the  shutter  to  the  height  required,  and  give 
the  necessary  exposure  to  the  sky,  then 
lower  it  and  give  the  middle  distances  what 
additional  time  is  requisite,  and  finally 
complete  the  exposure  of  the  foreground; 
it,  of  course,  being  understood  that  the 
required  exposure  of  the  foreground  is 
longer  than  that  for  objects  at  greater 
distance;  should  that  not  be  the  case,  the 
shutter  can  readily  be  moved  or  adapted  to 
give  middle  or  distant  objects  any 
comparative  exposure  necessary,  by  having 
a  false  front  attached  by  thumbscrews  or 
other  contrivances  at  R,  R;  in  this  event 
either    side    may   be   made   to   drop   lower 

than  the  other  if  required,  as  indicated  by 
the  dotted  line,  S,  Fig.  2.  When,  however, 
as  is  sometimes  the  case,  one  side  of  a 
picture  requires  a  longer  exposure  to 
obtain  detail  than  the  other,  openings,  N, 
N,  Fig.  1,  can  be  made  in  the  sides  of  the 
frame,  and  a  shutter,  Fig.  3,  with  openings 
of  suitable  size,  T,  T,  made  therein,  and,  if 
accurately  made,  and  the  lenses  are  exact  (I 
have  presumably  written  for  stereoscopic 
work  all  through),  the  portion  of  the  image 
resulting  from  each  lens  will  be 
correspondingly  shaded  by  moving  the 
shutter  in  the  required  direction.  x 

It  is  highly  probable  this  apparatus  may 
not  be  new  to  many  of  your  readers,  but  I 
do  not  recollect  observing  either  in  your  or 
any  other  photographic  journal,  a 
description  of  anything,  for  the  purpose 
intended,  I  find  so  convenient  or  useful.  A 
more  elaborate  apparatus  for  the  extension 
or  contraction  of  the  shade  can  be  made 
upon  the  principle  of  the  bellows,  and 
worked  by  a  rack  and  pinion  if  desired, 
but,  for  almost  all  operators,  the  present 
form  will  be  all-sufficient. 

It  is  just  possible,  a  description  of  my 
focussing-cloth  for  field-work,  may  not  be 
uninteresting  to  a  few  of  your  readers.  I 
prefer,  for  many  reasons,  a  draw-shutter  to 
my  plate-holder  that  comes  entirely  out, 
and  before  adopting  my  present  cloth,  was 
frequently  troubled  with  light-struck 
plates.  It  is  large,  of  course,  covering  the 
camera  with  about  three-feet  drop  from 
the  bottom  all  around,  and  covered  with 
white   cotton   cloth    outside.    On   one  side 

(the  right)  I  have  an  attachment  like  the 
sleeve  to  a  coat,  so  fashioned,  with  an 
opening  at  the  bottom  large  enough  to 
insert  the  hand;  the  cloth  being  fastened 
under  the  camera,  I  draw  out  the 
plate-holder  shutter  into  this  sleeve  or  bag, 
as  it  may  be  called,  and  let  it  hang  down 
out  of  the  way  until  the  exposure  is 
complete;  you  will  readily  see  the  light  has 
no  chance  of  getting  to  the  plate  while  the 
shutter  is  being  withdrawn.  The  white 
covering  is  a  great  protection,  keeping  both 
the  head  and  the  camera  cool. 


San  Francisco,  March,  1869 

A  Question  of  Quality 

Muybridge  joined  Bradley  &  Rulofson's 
Gallery  after  his  Yosemite  expedition  of 
1872;  his  old  publisher,  Houseworth, 
retaliated  by  putting  a  worn  and  badly 
mounted  print  from  the  Yosemite  series  in 
his  window.  The  print  carried  the  Bradley 
&  Rulofson  name.  The  following  exchange 
was  published  in  the  Alta  California  on 
several  successive  issues  in  1873: 

"Messrs.  Bradley  and  Rulofson  are 
much  obliged  to  Mr.  Houseworth  for 
giving  their  names  a  place  in  his  window; 
but  attaching  them  to  an  old,  soiled  print 
from  a  condemned  negative  of  Muybridge's 
(neither  print  nor  negative  being  made  by 


them),  shows  to  what  a  wretched  strait  the 
poor  gentleman  is  driven  in  a  fruitless 
effort  to  compete  in  business." 

Houseworth  replied: 

"Thomas  Houseworth  and  Co.— To  the 
public  in  general,  and  a  reply  to  the  card  of 
Bradley  and  Rulofson — The  Yosemite  View 
exhibited  by  us  in  our  window  is  one  of  a 
set  of  forty  furnished  to  a  subscriber  by 
Bradley  and  Rulofson  for  the  sum  of  $100 
and  bears  their  name  as  the  publishers.  The 
View  is  a  fair  sample  of  the  lot  which  was 
sold  to  me  at  a  heavy  discount  on  the  cost 
and  is  now  in  the  same  condition  as  when 
received  by  the  original  purchaser.  We 
would  further  remark  that  we  had  tried  to 
purchase  from  these  gentlemen  some  of 
their  views  and  they  positively  refused  to 
sell  us,  for  reasons  which  we  leave  others  to 

The  editor  then  got  the  following  comment 
from  Muy bridge: 

"Aesop  in  one  of  his  fables  related  that 
a  miserable  little  ass,  stung  with  envy  at  the 
proud  position  the  lion  occupied  in  the 
estimation  of  the  forest  residents,  seized 
some  shadowy  pretext  of  following  and 
braying  after  him  with  the  object  of 
annoying  and  insulting  him.  The  lion 
turning  his  head  and  observing  from  what  a 
despicable  source  the  noise  proceeded, 
silenty  pursued  his  way,  intent  upon  his 
own  business,  without  honoring  the  ass 
with  the  slightest  motion.  Silence  and 
contempt,  says  Aesop,  are  the  best 
acknowledgements  for  the  insults  of  those 
whom  we  despise." 

On  Bradley  &  Rulofson, 
Muybridge's  Publishers  18742 

In  July,  1874,  the  Philadelphia 
Photographer  announced  the  award  of  the 
medal  in  their  initial  prize  competition  to 
Bradley  &  Rulofson,  who  "sent  us  six 
negatives  of  the  same  subject,  all  equally 
perfect,    being  absolutely  without  spot  or 

Brandenburg  Album,  p.  98 

blemish.  .  .  .  They  are  among  the  purest 
specimens  of  photography  it  has  ever  been 
our  good  fortune  is  inspect. "  The  issue 
carried  a  print  of  one  of  the  negatives 
(reproduced  in  R.  Taft,  Photography  and 
the  American  Scene,  New  York,  1964,  p. 
332;  a  print  of  one  of  the  other  negatives 
of  the  same  subject  appears  on  p.  98  of  the 
Brandenberg  Album,  see  illustration), 
letters  from  Rulofson  and  his  operator,  Mr. 
Taylor,  and  the  views  of  the  working  parts 
of  the  Bradley  &  Rulofson  establishment 
reproduced  here.  The  material  is  reprinted 
through  the  courtesy  of  Beaumont  Newhall 
and  The  International  Museum  of 
Photography,  Rochester,  New  York. 

Rulofson  to  Wilson,  Editor  of  the 
Philadelphia  Photographer  ("San 
Francisco,  May  13th,  1874") 

Friend  Wilson: 

I  herewith  forward  to  you  a  note  from 
Mr.  Taylor,  giving  our  formulae  for 
working,  and  containing  some  of  his  views 
on  the  subject,  but  I  must  confess  I  would 
not  have  you  understand  that  I  indorse  all 
he  says  on  the  subject,  of  the  relative 
quality  of  San  Francisco  work,  nor  the 
causes  to  which  he  ascribes  the  assumed 
superiority,  while  I  would  be  slow  to 
detract  from  the  industry,  perseverance, 
and  skill  of  our  photographers.  I  think  it 
but  fair  to  admit  that  they  possess  some 
climatic  advantages  not  enjoyed  elsewhere 
in  America.  I  don't  regard  the  light  as 
superior  in  actinic  power  to  that  of  the 
Atlantic  States;  but  we  do  possess  a  more 
even  temperature,  the  thermometer  seldom 
rising  above  75  °  or  falling  below  60  ,  with 
a  slightly  humid  atmosphere,  presenting 
the  most  favorable  conditions  for  delicate 
chemical  processes  involving  the  use  of 
volatile  substances.  And  a  Californian's 
proverbial  modesty  causes  us  to  cast  about 
for  some  natural  cause  to  which  to 
attribute  any  superiority,  which  our  friends 
may  kindly  ascribe  to  our  productions. 

I  send  herewith  a  plan  of  our  gallery, 
from  the  street  entrance  to  elevator,  to  the 
roof;  there  are  in  all  twenty-nine  rooms, 
reasonably  adapted  to  their  several  uses. 
You  will  observe  that  we  formerly 
occupied  the  corner  building  only;  we  then 
cut  through  into  the  adjoining  building  on 
Sacramento  Street,  and  later,  effected  an 
entrance  into  the  one  on  Montgomery 
Street.  We  are  now  giving  employment  to 
thirty-four  hands  all  told.  We  employ  six 
Chinese;  they  are  faithful,  industrious,  and 
expert,  valuable  aids  in  the  l.'ounting  and 
finishing  department.3 

We  made  several  attempts  to  obtain  an 
interior  negative  of  our  reception-room,  of 
which  we  are  proud,  but  failed,  owing  to 
the  long  exposure  required,  and  the  throng 
constantly  interrupting.  .  .  . 
William  H.  Rulofson 


D.B.    Taylor   to    Wilson    ("San    Francisco, 
May  4th,  1874") 

Dear  Sir: 

In  obedience  to  your  request,  I  give  you 
my  formula  by  which  the  prize  negatives 
were  made.  It  is  an  old  and  long-used 
formula,  but  I  think  there  is  not  better 
when  carefully  used. 


Ether  and  Alcohol, equal  parts. 

Cotton,     6  grains  to  ounce. 

Iodide  of  Ammonium, 4V2  grains. 

Bromide  of  Potassium, 2  grains. 

Silver  bath 40  grains,  slightly  acid. 


Water,    96  ounces 

Iron, 6  ounces 

Acetic  Acid, 10  ounces 

Alcohol, 6  ounces 

The  above  is  the  formula  I  have  worked 
for  the  last  four  years,  all  the  time  I  have 
been  with  Bradley  &  Rulofson,  and  our 
negatives,  in  quality,  improve  from  year  to 

year not     by    trying    every    newfangled 

notion  that  comes  along,  but  by  giving  our 
closest  attention  to  the  details  of  the 
process.  I  have  worked  in  photography  for 
the  last  sixteen  years  in  the  Eastern  and 
Western  States,  and  have  met  more 
thoroughbred  photographers  in  San 
Francisco  than  I  ever  saw  in  my  life  before. 
This  city  has  the  reputation  of  making 
some  of  the  finest  photographs  in  the 
Union,  and  I  might  say  the  world,     and  it 

is  all  due  to  the  careful,  hard  workers  in 
photography.    The   climate  has  nothing  to 
do  with  it.  Work,  work  does  it;  work  is  the 
word  with  us. 
D.B.  Taylor 
Operator  with  B.  &  R. 

Copy  Photographs  1877 

The  following  article  on  Muybridge's 
proposal  of  November,  1877,  to 
photographically  copy  the  Santa  Clara 
County  records  is  from  the  San  Jose 
Mercury  for  9  November  1877.  (Kingston 
Scrapbook,  p.  10.)  Shortly  before  this, 
Muy bridge   had  published   his  photograph 

The  two  upper  floors  of  Bradley  &  Rulofson's  Gallery,  1874. 



of  Occident  Trotting  at  Full  Speed,  "an 
Automatic  Electro-Photograph."  The 
proposal  to  photocopy  the  records  was 
turned  down  by  the  Committee  of  the 
Board  of  Supervisors,  chiefly  because  the 
amount  of  money  required  was  "more  than 
they  could  secure  in  a  lump/' 
Photocopying  machines  were  finally 
installed  in  the  County  Offices  in  1949? 

"The  Muy bridge  Process" 

Mr.  E.J.  Muybridge,  the  San  Francisco 
photographer,  who  offers  to  photograph 
the  county  records,  arrived  in  this  city 
yesterday,  and  at  2  P.M.  appeared  before  a 
committee  from  the  Board  of  Supervisors 
and  a  number  of  prominent  citizens  for  the 
purpose  of  explaining  the  process  and 
answering  such  questions  as  might  be 
propounded.  He  brought  with  him  for  the 
inspection  of  the  committee  a  copy  of  the 
Mexican  records  made  in  1858  for 
reference  in  the  case  of  the  United  States 
vs.  Jose  Y.  [sic]  Limantour.6  A  perfect 
facsimile  of  every  document  was  given,  and 
though  nearly  twenty  years  have  elapsed 
since  the  photographing  was  done,  the 
records  are  in  as  good  condition  apparently 
as  when  just  copied.  He  said  that  by  the 
photographing  process  the  copy  would  be 
more  distinct  where  ink  was  yellow  or 
faded  in  the  original,  but  there  would  be 
no  improvement  at  where  the  original 
showed  signs  of  wear.  He  offered  to  copy 
25  books,  or  15,000  pages,  for  35  cents  per 
page  for  one  book.  If  a  second  copy  was 
desired  he  would  furnish  it  for  13  cents  per 
page.  Mr.  Hardy,  County  Recorder,  stated 
that  the  books  would  average  about  three 
and  one-half  folios  to  a  page,  which  at  12 
cents  per  folio  would  amount  to  42  cents. 
W.W.  Wright,  the  well  known  San  Jose 
photographer,  who  was  present,  gave  it  as 
his  opinion  that  the  proposition  of  Mr. 
Muybridge  was  a  liberal  one  and  that  he 
had  figured  it  down  to  the  lowest  notch. 
He  felt  satisfied  the  work  would  be  well 
done.  Mr.  Muybridge  further  stated  that  he 
would  also  furnish  the  paper  necessary  for 
the  work,  the  county  to  do  the  binding. 
The    matter    was   taken   under   advisement 

and    a   report    will    be    handed    in    at    the 
December  meeting  of  the  Board. 

Muybridge's  Testimonials  1878-79 

Muy  bridge's  testimony  to  Dallmeyer  lenses 
is  reprinted  from  Anthony's  Photographic 
Bulletin  (New  York),  September  1878 
(letter  dated  "San  Francisco,  Aug.  17, 
1878").  The  London  firm  of  Dallmeyer  is 
often  citted  in  The  Philadelphia 
Photographer  of  the  period  as  the 
manufacturer  of  superior  lenses.  (Kingston 
Scrapbook,  p.  32.) 

Messrs.  E.  &  H.T.  Anthony  &  Co. 
Dear  Sirs : 

I  must  say  the  partial  success  I  have  met 
with  must  be  attributed  to  the 
extraordinary  rapidity  and  wonderful 
depth  of  focus  of  the  Dallmeyer  lenses.  In 
my  next  experiments  I  intend  reducing  the 
exposure  to  the  5,000  part  of  a  second, 
and  am  confident,  with  some  slight 
modification  of  my  chemicals,  to  obtain 
better  results  than  the  present. 

I  have  more  than  sixty  lenses  of 
Dallmeyer's  manufacture  in  my  equipment, 
and  have  used  them  exclusively,  within  the 
Arctic  Circle  and  under  the  Equator,  at  an 
elevation  of  10,000  feet  and  beneath  the 
waters     of     our     Bay.  with    exposures 

varying    from    18    hours    to   less   than    the 
2,000  part  of  a  second,  and  must  candidly 
confess  I  cannot  afford  to  use  any  other. 
Faithfully  yours, 

Under  the  heading  "Fast  Horses  and 
Well-Made  Apparatus,  "Muybridge's  letter 
in  praise  of  the  manufacturer's  cameras 
(dated  "San  Francisco,  May  23rd,  1879") 
was  printed  in  Photographic  Times  for  July 
1879.  (Kingston  Scrapbook,  p.  52.) 

Scovill  Manufacturing  Co.,  419  and  421 
Broome  Street,  New  York: 

The  Camera  duly  arrived.  In  reference 
to  it  I  scarce  know  which  emotion  to 
express     most     emphatically,     delight     or 

astonishment;  probably  the  former,  as  the 
thirty  Cameras  of  your  manufacture  which 
I  have  now  in  use  afforded  me  ample  right 
to  expect  your  skillful  assistants  would 
have  abundant  genius  to  accomplish  most 
successfully  the  task  imposed  upon  them. 
In  simplicity  of  design,  adaptability  to  any 
possible  purpose,  facility  of  use,  strength 
of  construction,  suitability  of  material 
selected,  extreme  lightness,  and  elegance  of 
finish,  this  Camera  affords  abundant 
evidence  of  the  remarkable  skill  of  your 
operatives,  and  the  comprehensive 
resources  of  your  manufactory  [sic] .  I  very 
much  question  whether  ever  before  was 
there  constructed  an  8  x  10  Camera 
equally  well  adapted  for  the  studio  or  the 
field,  and  so  convenient  for  any  required 
purposes,  whether  with  one  or  a  pair  of 
lenses  of  focal  length  ranging  from  2V2  to 
26  inches,  and  weighing  5V2  lbs.  only. 
Permit  me  to  congratulate  you. 

Muybridge's  Patents  1879 

On  27  June  18  78,  Muybridge  filed  an 
application  for  letters  patent  on  an 
"Improvement  in  the  Method  and 
Apparatus  for  Photographing  Objects  in 
Motion."  On  11  July  1878,  he  filled 
another  application  for  letters  patent  on 
the  same  subject.  Both  patents  were  issued 
by  the  United  States  Patent  Office  on  4 
March  1879.  The  first  was  issued  as  Patent 
No.  212,865;  the  second  as  Patent  No. 
212,864.  Muybridge's  introductions  to 
both  patents  are  given  below  and  are 
illustrated  with  the  drawings  that 
accompanied  the  issued  patents.  The 
drawings  are  reproduced  through  the 
courtesy  of  Robert  B.  Haas. 

No.  212,865  (application  filed  27  June 

Be  it  known  that  I,  Edward  [sic]  J. 
Muybridge,  of  the  city  and  county  of  San 
Francisco,      State      of      California,      have 


invented  certain  Improvements  in  Taking 
Instantaneous  Photographs  of  Objects  in 
Motion;  and  I  do  hereby  declare  that  the 
following  is  a  full,  clear,  and  exact 
description  thereof,  reference  being  had  to 
certain  drawings  accompanying  this 
specification,  and  forming  a  part  of  the 

My  invention  has  reference  to  that 
branch  of  photography  which  is  known  as 
"instantaneous  photography,"  and  it 
applies  more  particularly  where  the  object 
to  be  photographed  is  in  rapid  motion. 

The  principal  object  which  I  have  in 
view  is  to  take  photographic  views  of 
horses  that  are  moving  rapidly  under  speed, 
in  order  to  determine  the  posture,  position, 
and  relation  of  their  limbs  in  different 
portions  of  their  step  or  stride. 

My  invention  relates  to  a  double-acting 
slide,  with  the  means  for  operating  the 
same,  and  to  a  novel  background,  which  is 
graduated  or  marked  so  as  to  gage  [sic]  the 
position  of  the  horse  and  the  posture  of  his 
limbs.  .  .  . 

Referring  to  the  accompanying 
drawings,  Figure  1,  Sheet  1,  is  a 
perspective;  Fig.  2,  Sheet  1,  is  an  end 
section,  showing  camera  slides,  track,  and 
background.  Fig.  1,  Sheet  2,  is  a  section  of 
slide-frame,  showing  trigger,  lever, 
armature,  and  magnets.  Fig.  2,  Sheet  2, 
represents  a  photograph.  Fig.  3,  Sheet  2, 
represents  a  contact-plate.  .  .  . 

No.    212,864    (application    filed    11    July 


.  .  .My  invention  has  reference  to  a 
novel  arrangement  for  exposing  the 
sensitive  plates  of  photographic  cameras, 
for  the  purpose  of  taking  instantaneous 
impressions  of  objects  in  motion. 

In  a  cotemporaneous  [sic]  application 
for  a  patent  filed  by  me  I  have  described 
and  claimed  an  arrangment  for  operating  a 
slide  or  slides  for  this  purpose  by  an 
electric  circuit  which  was  established  or 
broken  by  the  object  to  be  photographed 
as  it  passed  in  front  of  the  camera. 


Method  and  Apparatus  for  Photographing  Objects 

in  Motion. 

No.  212.865. 

Patented  Mar.  4.  1879. 

I2g  2 

No.  212.865. 


Patented  Mar.  4,  1879. 

Ilff  / 

Jig  J 





Method-and  Apparatus  for  Photographing  Object 

in  Motion. 

No.  212.864  Patented  Mar.  4,  1879. 



My  present  invention  relates  to  an 
arrangement  whereby  the  moving  object  is 
made  to  operate  the  slide  simply  by 
mechanical  means. 

Referring  to  the  accompanying 
drawings,  Figure  1  is  a  back  view  of  the 
frame  and  slides.  Fig.  2  is  an  end  view.  .  .  . 

B.  The  Murder  1874 

From  the  Calistoga  Free  Press,  Saturday, 
24  October  1874  (all  spellings  follow  those 
in  the  transcript  of  the  article  in  the 
Yosemite  National  Park  Research  Library) 

Early  Sunday  morning  last,  the  news  of 
a  terrible  tragedy,  which  occurred  the  night 


previous  at  about  11  o'clock,  at  the 
residence  of  Wm.  A.  Stuart,  near  the 
Yellow  Jacket  quicksilver  mine,  about 
seven  and  a  half  miles  west  of  Calistoga,  in 
this  county,  was  received  here.  The 
particulars  as  near  as  we  can  ascertain,  are 
as  follows:  On  Saturday  last,  just  before 
the  departure  of  the  San  Francisco  boat  for 
Vallejo,  Edward  J.  Muybridge,  a  well 
known  photographic  artist  in  San 
Francisco,  by  means  of  letters  which  fell 
into  his  hands,  made  the  discovery  that  his 
wife,  who  is  now  in  Oregon,  and  to  whom 
he  was  devotedly  attached,  had  been  on 
terms  of  criminal  intimacy,  for  some  time 
past,  with  Major  Harry  Larkyns,  formerly 
connected  with  several  San  Francisco 
journals,  but  lately  engaged  in  getting  up  a 
map  of  the  mines  in  this  and  adjoining 
counties.  Frenzied  over  the  discovery,  he 
immediately  made  his  way  to  Calistoga, 
and  learning  here  that  the  destroyer  of  his 
peace  was  at  the  Yellow  Jacket  Mine,  hired 
a  team  at  Connelly's  stable,  and  employed 
Geo.  Wolfe  to  drive  him  there.  Alighting, 
he  knocked  at  the  door,  and  enquired  if 
Major  Harry  Larkyns  was  in.The  gentleman 
that  answered  the  call  informed  him  that 
he  was,  and  invited  him  in;  he  very  politely 
and  calmly  refused,  saying  he  wished  to  see 
the  Major  only  a  moment  on  the  outside. 
The  Major,  who  at  the  time  was  engaged  in 
a  game  of  cribbage  with  a  lady,  answered 
the  summons.  As  he  opened  the  door  and 
looked  out  into  the  dark,  he  called  out: 
"Who  is  it?  I  can't  see  you."  Mr. 
Muybridge  says  "Good  evening.  Major;  my 
name  is  Muybridge,  and  here  is  the  answer 
to  the  letter  you  sent  my  wife,"  and  fired 
at  the  breast  of  Larkyns.  The  Major 
staggered  back,  and  ran  through  the 
kitchen  and  sitting  room,  and  out  the  front 
door,  and  fell  close  to  a  large  oak  tree.  Mr. 
Stacy  and  others  carred  him  in  the  house 
and  laid  him  on  a  bed,  where  he  breathed 
his  last  in  about  one  minute  and  a  half. 
After  firing,  Muybridge  followed  closely, 
but  was  at  once  covered  by  a  pistol  in  the 
hands      of      J.M.      McArthur,      and 

surrendered though   making  no  attempt 

to  escape and  was  brought  to  Calistoga 

immediately  and  given  into  the  hands  of 
Constable  Geo.  B.  Crumwell.  We  are 
informed  that  there  was  talk  of  lynching 
Muybridge  at  the  time  of  the  shooting,  but 
through  the  influence  of  Mr.  Stuart  this  act 
of  violence  was  not  put  into  effect. 

The  remains  of  Major  Larkyns  were 
brought  to  Calistoga  Sunday  morning,  and 
thence  conveyed  to  San  Francisco,  in  the 
afternoon  for  interment.  On  Monday 
Muybridge  was  brought  before  Justice 
Palmer  of  this  place,  but  waiving  an 
examination,  was  taken  to  Napa,  and  there 
confined  in  the  county  jail,  to  await  the 
action  of  the  grand  jury. 

The  deceased  was  a  native  of  Scotland, 
and  aged  39  years  the  day  of  his  death.  Mr. 
Muybridge  is  about  47  years  of  age 
[Muybridge  was  44],  and  a  native  of 

We  had  a  conversation  with  Muybridge 
while  here,  and  found  him  very  calm  and 
collected,  and  apparently  feeling  entirely 
justifiable  in  the  killing  of  Larkyns,  and  we 
are  informed  that  since  his  incarceration  at 
Napa,  he  still  retains  his  composure.  He 
says  it  was  not  his  intention  to  kill  the 
Major,  but  to  maim  him  for  life.  Hon.  W.W. 
Pendegast,  of  Napa,  and  C.H.  King,  of  San 
Francisco,  have  been  retained  as  his 
council,  and  we  hear  that  they  will  soon 
make  application  for  his  release  on  bail. 

C.  The  Marey/Muybridge  Letters 

Gaston  Tissandier,  editor  of  La  Nature, 
wrote  the  following  introduction  to 
Marey's  letter,  which  appeared  in 
"Correspondence,"  La  Nature,  No.  291,  28 
December  1878.8 

On  the  Photographic  Reproduction  of  the 
Horse's  Gait: 

The  documents  which  we  published  on 
this      subject      in      one      of      our      recent 

installments  (No.  289,  14  December,  1878, 
p.  23)  have  been  appreciated  by  a  large 
number  of  our  readers.  Many  readers  have 
requested  samples  of  Mr.  Muybridge 's 
photographs  from  the  address  which  we 
published  on  page  23,  column  2  [given  in 
Muybridge  letter  below].  We  forwarded 
the  following  letter  to  Mr.  Muybridge 
received  by  us  from  Mr.  Marey,  of  the 
Institute,  and  we  hope  that  the  skilled 
physicist  from  San  Francisco  will  respond 
completely  to  the  interesting  questions 
which  are  put  to  him  by  our  learned 

Marey  to  Tissandier,  18  December  1878 

Dear  Friend, 

I  am  impressed  with  Mr.  Muybridge 's 
photographs  published  in  the  issue  before 
last  of  La  Nature.  Could  you  put  me  in 
touch  with  the  author?  I  would  like  his 
assistance  in  the  solution  of  certain 
problems  of  physiology  too  difficult  to 
resolve  by  other  methods.  For  instance,  on 
the  question  of  birds  in  flight,  I  have 
devised  a  gun-like  kind  of  photography 
["fusil  photographique"  ]  for  seizing  the 
bird  in  an  attitude,  or  better,  in  a  series  of 
attitudes  which  impart  the  successive 
phases  of  the  wing's  movement. Cailletet9 
told  me  he  had  tried  something  analogous 
in  the  past  with  encouraging  results.  It 
would  clearly  be  an  easy  experiment  for 
Mr.  Muybridge.  Then  what  beautiful 
zoetropes  he  could  make.  One  could  see  all 
imaginable  animals  during  their  true 
movements;  it  would  be  animated  zoology. 
So  far  as  artists  are  concerned,  it  would 
create  revolution  for  them,  since  one  could 
furnish  them  with  true  attitudes  of 
movement;  positions  of  the  body  during 
unstable  balances  in  which  a  model  would 
find  it  impossible  to  pose. 

As     you     see,     my     dear     friend,     my 
enthusiasm   is  overflowing;  please  respond 
quickly.  I'm  behind  you  all  the  way. 
J.  Marey 


Muy bridge  to  Tissandier,  17  February  1879 
(from  La  Nature,  No.  303,  22  March  1879) 

Dear  Sir, 

I  read  with  keen  interest  Professor 
Marey's  letter  to  you  (see  La  Nature,  No. 
291,  28  December  1878  p.  54)  in  reference 
to  my  photographs  depicting  the 
movements  of  the  horse  (see  La  Nature,  14 
December  1878  No.  289,  p.  23)  which  you 
honored  me  by  reproducing  in  your 
prestigious  journal.  Your  laudatory 
remarks  about  them  gave  me  great 
pleasure.  Would  you  be  so  kind  as  to 
communicate  the  assurance  of  my  high 
esteem  to  Professor  Marey  and  tell  him 
that  his  celebrated  work  on  animal 
movement  first  inspired  Governor  Stanford 
with  the  idea  of  the  possibility  of  resolving 
the  problem  of  locomotion  with  the  help 
of  photography.  Mr.  Stanford  consulted 
me  about  this  and,  at  his  request,  I  resolved 
to  assist  him  in  his  task.  He  charged  me 
with  following  a  series  of  more  complete 
experiments.  For  this  purpose  we 
constructed  30  dark  rooms  with  electric 
shutters  which,  in  order  to  photograph 
horses,  would  be  placed  approximately  12 
inches  from  one  another.  We  began  our 
experiments  the  next  May  [1878]  and  we 
intended  to  fix  all  the  imaginable  postures 
of  athletes,  horses,  oxen,  dogs  and  other 
animals  in  movement.  In  the  beginning  we 
didn't  study  birds  in  flight  but  Professor 
Marey,  having  suggested  this  idea  to  us, 
also  [directed  our  experiments  towards 
this.]  Consequently,  we  modified  our 
automatic  arrangements  and  we  made  our 
successive  attempts  at  intervals  of  regular 
time  by  means  of  a  clock  which  we  had 
constructed  for  this  purpose. 

I  am  afraid  of  encountering  many  more 
difficulties  in  obtaining  satisfactory  results 
with  birds  in  flight  than  with  other 
animals,  but  we  will  set  about  it  as  best  we 

I  would  be  very  grateful  to  all  breeders 
of  racehorses  in  France  or  England  if  they 
could  confirm  our  experiments  by 
conducting  other  experiments.  My  agent, 
Mr.  Brandon,  Rue  Laffitte,  No.  1,  in  Paris, 

would  be  pleased  to  furnish  them  with  all 
the  necessary  information  about 
construction  and  handling  of  the 
equipment.  Without  a  doubt  our  method 
would  be  improved  considerably  if  scholars 
as  distinguished  as  Mr.  Marey  would  lend 
their  attention  to  it. 

I  am  sending  Mr.  Brandon,  by  this  post, 
two  collections  of  all  the  photographs 
made  to  this  date  on  the  subject  in 
question;  it  would  please  me  if  you  would 
accept  one  and  I  would  be  obliged  to  you 
if  you  would  persuade  Mr.  Marey  to  accept 
the  other  with  my  compliments. 
Your  devoted,  Muybridge 

D.  Fairman  Rogers  Comments  1879 

The  following  article  by  Fairman  Rogers, 
horseman,  wealthy  patron  of  the  arts  and 
Director  of  the  Philadelphia  Academy, 
appeared  in  The  Art  Interchange,  9  July 
1879.  (Kingston  Scrapbook,  p.  55) 

THE  ZOOTROPE.    Action  of  Animals   in 

Motion The   Muybridge   Photographs  of 

Horses The    Instrument    as   a   Factor   in 

Art  Studies. 

When  Mr.  Edward  Muybridge,  of  San 
Francisco,  assisted  by  Governor  Stanford, 
made  in  the  spring  of  1878,  his  first 
photographs  of  the  horse  in  motion,  it 
became  evident  to  those  who  had  been 
previously  engaged  in  studying  the  subject 
of  the  locomotion  of  animals  that  they  had 
never  before  had  any  such  material  for 
their  investigations  as  that  which  he  then 

His  process,  briefly,  consists  in  having  a 
number  of  photographic  cameras  on  a 
proper  support  near  the  level  of  the 
ground,  at  equal  distances,  say 
twenty-seven  inches  apart.  Opposite  to  the 
cameras  and  parallel  to  the  line  in  which 
they  stand,  is  a  white  screen  or  fence  with 
vertical  lines  also  twenty-seven  inches 
apart,    drawn   on   its   surface,   one  directly 

opposite  to  each  camera.  A  wire,  with 
proper  electrical  connections,  leads  from 
each  line  to  the  corresponding  camera.  The 
animal  whose  motion  is  to  be 
photographed,  is  driven  or  ridden  on  a  line 
parallel  to  the  screen  in  front  of  the 
cameras,  and  as  he  crosses  each  wire,  the 
slide  of  the  camera  corresponding  to  that 
wire  is  opened,  and  a  photograph  of  the 
animal  in  that  position  is  obtained.  In  the 
experiments  on  a  horse  at  racing  speed,  for 
example,  the  animal  covers  about 
twenty-two  feet  in  each  stride,  ten 
cameras,  therefore,  twenty-seven  inches 
apart,  would  record  ten  different  portions 
of  one  stride  or  step.  The  photographs  thus 
produced  show  the  successive  positions, 
the  transitions  from  one  to  the  other  of 
which  are  altogether  too  rapid  to  be 
appreciated  by  the  eye. 

A  number  of  investigators  have 
attempted  to  analyse  the  action  of  man 
and  of  animals  in  the  various  gaits.  The 
Weber  brothers,  as  to  man,12and  Wachter, 
Raabe,  Marey,  and  Lenoble  de  Teil,  for 
horses.  In  fact,  nearly  all  the  writers  on 
horsemanship  have  attempted  to  analyse 
the  action  of  the  horse,  but  with 
indifferent  success.  Marey's  method  was 
the  most  complete,  but  when  his  results  are 
examined  by  the  light  of  Muybridge's 
photographs,  they  are  found  to  be  quite 

Shortly  after  the  appearance  of  the 
photographs,  Mr.  Thomas  Eakins  of 
Philadelphia,  Instructor  in  the  Pennsylvania 
Academy  of  the  Fine  Arts,  who  had  long 
been  studying  the  horse  from  an  artistic 
point  of  view,  and  whose  accurate 
anatomical  knowledge  fitted  him  especially 
for  the  investigation,  took  them  up  for 
examination.  Wachter,  in  1862,  had 
published  a  set  of  ten  drawings  illustrating 
the  gallop,  the  most  complicated  of  the 
gaits,  which  he  arranged  to  be  used  in  what 
was  then  called  the  phenakisticope  [sic], 
an  instrument  which  we  now  know  in  its 
improved  American  form  under  the  name 
of  Zootrope,  and  his  analysis  was  so 
nearly  correct  that  the  horse  galloped  quite 
satisfactorily      when     looked     at     in     the 


"SALLIE   GARDNER,"  owned  by  LELAND   STANFORD;  running  at  a  1.40  gait  over  the  Palo  Alto  track,  19th  June,  1878. 

Diagram  of  Foot  Movements. 

Figure  11. 

Right  hind  foot.     Left  hind  foot. 
Vertical  lines  27  inches  apart.     Total  length  of  stride,  265  inches. 

Left  fore  foot. 
Copyrighted  1879,  by  Muybiudge. 

The  above  diagram  is  projected  from  a  series  of  electro-photographs,  executed  by  instructions 
of  GovBBSOB  Stanford,  and  illustrates  the  course  traversed  by  the  feet  of  the  mare  Sallie 
GaiiiiSi.k   during  a  single  complete  stride. 

The  mare  being  thorough  bred,  one  of  the  fastest  runners  on  the  coast,  and  noted  for  her 
graceful  form  and  superb  gait,  the  successive  positions  assumed  by  her  during  the  stride,  may  be 
accepted  as  representative  in  their  character. 

During  certain  portions  of  this  stride,  the  feet  of  the  mare  were  moving  with  a  velocity  equiva- 
lent to  more  than  11X1  lineal  feet  in  a  second  of  time,  or  nearly  three-fourths  of  an  inch,  during 
an  exposure  of  the  two-thousandth  part  of  a  second.    To  enhance  the  usefulness  of  the  photo- 

Eight  fore  foot. 

Left  fore  foot. 

graphs,  the  indistinctness  of  their  outline  resulting  from  this  rapid  motion,  has  been  corrected, 
with  care  to  preserve  their  actual  positions.  Photographs  from  the  original  untouched  negatives 
are  curious  for  comparison,  and  can  be  obtained  at  the  same  rate,  if  required.  Hereafter  the 
exposures  will  be  reduced  to  thetive  thousandth  part  of  a  second,  thus  limiting  any  movement 
to  one-t'outh  of  au  inch. 

In  future  experiments  it  will  be  interesting  to  observe,  to  what  extent,  a  knowledge  of  the 
foot  movements  of  a  colt,  as  illustrated  by  electro-photography,  can  be  availed  of  to  determine 
his  probable  speed  at  a  more  advanced  age. 

Thomas  Eakins  (?),  diagrammatic  analysis  of  the  stride 

apparatus.  His  ingenious  drawings  hardly 
received  the  notice  which  they  merited, 
and  he  seems  to  have  been  extremely 
modest  in  his  own  appreciation  of  their 
value.  The  writer,  familiar  with  the  work 
which  had  been  done  in  this  direction,  saw 
immediately  that  the  zootrope  would  be  a 
useful  instrument  in  enabling  the 
experimenter  to  determine  whether  the 
photographic  analysis  was  correct,  and 
constructed  a  large  metal  zootrope,  with 
various  appliances,  for  making  it  a 
scientific  instrument.  The  idea  was  of 
course  a  very  natural  one,  and  had  already 
occurred  to  Gov.  Stanford  and  Mr. 
Muybridge,  who  had  independently  done 
the  same  thing.  14  The  photographs 
themselves  are  not  exactly  adapted  for 
immediate  use   in  the  zootrope.  They  are 

too  small,  and  most  of  them  show  no 
interior  modeling,  but  are  mere  silhouettes, 
in  which  the  near  and  off  legs  cannot  be 
readily  distinguished  from  each  other.  In 
some  of  them,  the  running  horse,  for 
example,  the  intervals  are  not  equal,  owing 
to  a  pecularity  of  the  photographic 
apparatus,  an  explanation  of  which  would 
be  too  long  for  the  limits  of  this  article,  in 
others  the  twenty-seven  inches  is  not  an 
aliquot  part  of  the  length  of  a  whole  stride. 
To  obtain  a  perfectly  satisfactory  result, 
drawings  must  be  made  based  upon  the 
information  given  by  the  photographs. 

To  do  this,  Mr.  Eakins  plotted  carefully, 
with  due  attention  to  all  the  conditions  of 
the  problem,  the  successive  positions  of  the 
photographs  and  constructed,  most 
ingeniously,  the  trajectories,  or  paths,  of  a 

number  of  points  of  the  animal,  such  as 
each  foot,  the  elbow,  hock,  centre  of 
gravity,  cantle  of  the  sadlle,  point  of  cap  of 
the  rider,  &  c.  Having  these  paths,  and 
marking  the  beginning  of  the  stride  and  the 
exact  point  at  the  other  end  of  the  diagram 
where  the  beginning  of  the  next  stride 
occurs,  the  whole  stride  can  be  divided  into 
an  exactly  equal  number  of  parts;  twelve 
has  been  selected  as  a  convenient  number, 
and  the  exact  position  of  each  point  of  the 
body   determined   for  each   of   the   twelve 

■.■  15 


Although  [sic]  familiarity  with  the 
anatomical  construction  of  the  animal 
enables  the  artist  thus  to  draw  each  of  the 
twelve  positions  or  attitudes,  and  when  the 
figures  thus  made  are  put  into  the 
zootrope,   a   perfect   representation  of  the 


motion  is  obtained.  By  varying  the  number 
of  the  slots,  through  which  the  drawings 
are  seen,  the  animal  can  be  made  to  move 
forward  or  to  remain  in  one  place,  as  he 
would  appear  if  the  spectator  were  to  ride 
or  drive  alongside  of  him  at  the  same  rate 
of  speed.  The  relation  of  the  action  to  the 
distance  passed  over  in  each  stride  can  be 
regulated  with  accuracy.  The  motion  is 
exceedingly  smooth,  and  such  things  as  the 
waving  of  the  tail  or  the  mane  are  shown  in 
the  most  natural  manner.  It  is  of  course 
possible  to  reduce  to  the  slowest  speed,  for 
the  purpose  of  study,  the  action  of  the 
horse  at  his  top  speed,  which  is  so  rapid 
that  the  eye  fails  to  catch  the  details  of  it 
in  nature. 

An  addition  to  the  zootrope  is  now 
being  made  by  which,  at  the  moment  at 
which  each  foot  appears  to  the  eye  to 
strike  the  ground,  a  sharp  tap  of  a  small 
hammer  will  be  made  by  the  instrument, 
and  the  cadence  of  the  step  will  be  made 
manifest  to  the  ear,  and  will  aid  materially 
in  the  study  of  the  motion. 16 

It  is  obvious  that  while  the  photographs 
and  the  drawings  made  from  them  are  the 
analysis  of  the  motion,  the  combination  of 
them  in  the  zootrope  is  the  synthesis,  and 
is  a  complete  test  of  the  accuracy  of  the 
analysis.  Mr.  Muy  bridge  intends  to 
continue  his  experiments,  and  will 
accumulate  a  mass  of  information  which 
will  be  of  the  utmost  value.  At  the 
suggestion  of  Mr.  Marey,  whose 
investigations  in  the  same  line,  with 
entirely  different  means,  have  been  very 
important,  he  will  probably  make 
corresponding  photographs  of  the  flight  of 

The  value  of  these  investigations  to  the 
artist  is  very  great.  It  is  certain  that  nearly 
all  the  attempts  to  represent  the  gaits  of 
either  animals  or  men,  in  painting,  are 
extremely  unsatisfactory,  and  it  is  only  by 
thoroughly  understanding  the  mechanism 
of  the  motion,  that  the  artist  will  be  able 
to  portray  it  in  any  satisfactory  manner.  A 
glance  at  the  Muybridge  photographs  of 
the  running  horse  shows  that  the  postion 
of  the  legs,   which   is  usually  accepted  as 

representing  a  full  run,  as  drawn  by  the 
best  painters  of  horse  subjects,  is  not  only 
incomplete,  but  absolutely  incorrect,  and 
must  be  universally  so  recognized  as  soon 
as  correct  information  is  obtained  by  those 
who  criticize  such  works.  There  are  many 
interesting  speculations  as  to  how  this 
new  information  may  be  utilized  by  the 
painter,  for  which  we  have  not  space  at 
present,  but  Mr.  Muybridge  deserves  the 
thanks  of  all  artists  for  the  valuable 
addition  that  he  has  made  to  the  general 
fund  of  knowledge. 

E.  Muybridge:  "Leland  Stanford's  Gift. 

From  documents  now  in  the  Collis  P. 
Huntington  Collection  of  the  George 
Arents  Research  Library,  Syracuse 
University,  we  learn  that  Muybridge  was 
the  author  of  an  article  on  the  history  of 
the  Stanford/ Muybridge  experiments 
which  appeared  in  the  San  Francisco 
Examiner,  Sunday,  6  February  1881. 
According  to  the  deposition  of  Frank 
Shay,  then  27,  private  secretary  to  Leland 
Stanford  from  April  1878  until  June  1882, 
Muybridge  brought  the  manuscript  of  the 
article,  in  his  own  handwriting  to  him,  and 
Shay  made  "a  few  verbal  changes,  "  but  the 
article  as  published  was  "substantially" 
that  which  he  had  seen  in  manuscript. 
(Deposition  of  Frank  Shay,  in  Stanford  vs. 
Muybridge,  San  Francisco,  27  July  1883, 
pp.  38-39.)  Dr.  Stillman,  then  65,  in  his 
deposition,  compares  the  printed  article  to 
one  brought  to  him  by  Muybridge  in 
response  to  his  request  for  a  history  of  the 

experiments one      which      he     found 

"ungrammatical,  redundant,  full  of 
hyperbole,  which  would  make  the  whole 
thing  ridiculous  just  like  that  newspaper 
article  published  in  the  Examiner;  just  the 
same  kind  of  stuff"  Instead  of 
publishing  Muybridge's  article  as  an 
introduction  to  his  The  Horse  in  Motion, 
as  had  evidently  initially  been  suggested, 
Stillman  relegated  it  to  the  appendix  of  the 

book,  and  at  that  used  it  only  as  a 
"technical"  text  for  his  own  version  of  it. 
(Deposition  of  J.D.B.  Stillman,  in  Stanford 
vs.  Muybridge,  7  August  1883,  pp.  6-11.) 
Muybridge's  history  of  the  experiments  at 
Palo  Alto  is  printed  below  as  given, 
without  correction  of  the  spellings,  in  the 
Examiner  for  6  February  1881.  The  article 
was  read  into  the  court  records  as 
"Defendant's  Exhibit  H,"  and  was  always 
wrongly  dated  in  these  records  as  being 
published  on  6  February  1880. 


Leland  Stanford's  Gift  to  Art 

and  to  Science 

Mr.  Muybridge's  Inventions  of 

Instant  Photography  and  the 

Marvelous  Zo'ogyroscope 

The  results  of  Mr.  Muybridge's  years  of 
efforts  to  perfectly  photograph  animals  of 
all  kinds,  man  included,  while  in 
continuous  and  in  the  most  rapid  motion, 
may  now  be  said  to  be  fully  and  most 
satisfactorily     complete,     as     is     also     his 

zoogyroscope his     marvelous     invention 

for  putting  his  pictures  again  in  motion, 
and  an  invention  which  was  evolved  by  the 
necessities  of  the  result  he  had  determined 
to  achieve  and  has  achieved.  Mr.  Muybridge 
came  to  California  in  1855,  and  most  of 
the  time  since  and  all  of  the  time  since 
1860  he  has  been  diligently,  and  at  the 
same  time  studiously,  engaged  in 
photography.  For  several  years  after  1860 
Mr.  Muybridge  made  a  specialty  of 
landscape  photography,  and  it  is  through 
his  innumerable  photographs,  both  in  large 
pictures  and  in  stereoscopic  sets,  that  a 
realizing  sense  of  the  wonders  of  California 
scenery  has  been  effected  abroad.  Mr. 
Muybridge's  acknowledged  precedence  in 
this  department  of  the  art  caused  his 
appointment  as  the  official  photographer 
of  the  United  States  Government,  and  as 


such  he  visited  all  parts  of  the  Pacific  coast 
line,  photographing  the  light-houses  along 
it  from  San  Diego  to  Cape  Flattery,  and 
incidentally  photographing  also  all  the 
intervening  coast  scenery.  Also  as  such 
Government  photographer  Mr.  Muybridge 
was  dispatched  to  the  front  during  the 
Modoc  war,  and  the  wide  spread  and 
accurate  knowledge  of  the  topography  of 
the  memorable  Lava  Beds  and  the  country 
round-about,  and  of  the  personnel  of  the 
few  Indians  who,  with  the  bravery  at  least 
of  the  classic  three  hundred,  defied  and 
fought  the  army  of  the  Union,  is  due 
chiefly  to  the  innumerable  and 


Taken  by  him.  In  fact,  in  a  swiftly 
progressive  art  each  day  making  such  rapid 
strides  onward,  and  each  stride  more 
startling  than  the  original  discovery  of  the 
process  that  it  was  good  work  for  the 
average  photographer  to  keep  even  abreast 
of  his  art,  Mr.  Muybridge  had  obtained 
such  undisputed  pre-eminence  that  it  was 
to  him  that  Mr.  Stanford  appealed  in  June, 
187  2,  when  the  latter  had  finally 
determined  to  essay  a  very  remarkable 
discovery.  Mr.  Stanford  had  never  been 
technically  a  painter,  but  he  had  always 
been    one    of    those    for    whom    technical 

painters  paint one  of  those  to  whom  the 

artist  whether  in  delineative  or  in  word, 
painting  merely  gives  back  his  own 
unconscious  sentiments.  He  was  also 
always  a  lover  of  horses  as  well  as  of 
pictures.  When  Mr.  Stanford  had  been  in 
the  eternal  fitness  of  things  rewarded  with 
fabulous  wealth  for  the  splendid  and 
romantic  daring  that  had  built  a  railroad 
across  deserts,  then  almost  untracked, 
across  two  of  the  mighty  mountain  ranges 
of  the  world,  across  a  lonely  land  that 
echoed  only  to  the  dull  thunder  of  the 
tramp  of  the  buffalo  herds  or  the  crack  of 
the  trackman's  rifle  repelling  the  attack  of 

the     savage     red     man a     railroad     that 

forever  united  the  civilized  world  with  its 
dauntless  vanguard  on  the  Pacific  slope  and 
that  put  San  Francisco  on  the  beaten 
highway      of     the      nations then      Mr. 

Stanford  was  enabled  to  gratify  both  his 
love  of  art  and  horses.  Of  this  has  come  a 
result  probably  more  important  to  art  than 
any  other  of  the  century.  Mr.  Stanford 
purchased  many  fast  horses;  he  purchased 
many  valuable  pictures;  he  bought  the 
most  elaborated  works  of  the 
Authoritatively  analyzing,  among  other 
things,  the  motion  of  animals;  and  he 
became  the  generous  patron  and  the  valued 
friend  of  the  eminent  artists,  not  alone  of 
his  own  State  and  nation,  but  of  Europe. 
The  first,  and  perhaps  curious  result  of 
alternately  watching  the  speeding  of  his 
flyers  of  the  turf  and  of  reading  works 
descriptive  of  the  paces  of  the  horse  and 
looking  upon  pictures  of  the  horse  at 
speed,  was  that  he  concluded  there  was  a 
diametric  difference  of  opinion  as  to  such 
movements  between  the  horse  himself  and 
the  horse's  delineators  of  either  science  or 
art.  And  he  took  sides  with  the  horse. 
Assuming  that  Mr.  Stanford  adopted  the 
correct  opinion,  that  opinion  might  be 
determined  to  be  only  an  attestation  of  the 
exceptional  keeness  of  Mr.  Stanford's 
eyesight.  But  when  it  is  remembered  that 
for  thousands  of  years  no  eye  had  been 
sufficiently  keen  to  detect  the  true 
movements  of  the  horse  in  action;  when  it 
is  remembered  that  from  the  first  known 
representation  of  the  horse  in  motion,  and 
found  in  the  mural  decorations  of  the 
Egypt  of  the  past,  down  to  the  last 
approved  picture  of  the  same,  and  which  is 
that  of  "The  Derby"  by  Herring,  admitted 
to  be  almost  the  peer  of  Landseer,  all 
artists  had  represented  the  horse  at  speed 
as  stretched  out  in  the  air  like  a  kite  or  a 
flying  squirrel;  it  will  be  admitted  that  the 
unaided  eye-sight  which  could  detect  the 
error  as  old  as  the  world  itself,  was  itself  a 
valuable  possession.  But  when  Mr. 
Stanford,  in  the  course  of  his  readings, 
came  at  page  161  in  the  recent  and 
valuable  work  of  Professor  Marey,  the  great 
French  savant,  to  the  statement  that  "in  the 
natural  walking  pace  there  are  never  more 
than  two  feet  on  the  ground  at  a  time,"  he 

would  stand  it  no  longer.17  This  was  in 
1872,  at  which  time  Mr.  Stanford  was  a 
resident  of  Sacramento.18  He  immediately 
telegraphed  to  Mr.  Muybridge  requesting 
the  latter  to  visit  him.  This  Mr.  Muybridge 
did,  when  Mr.  Stanford  startled  the 
photographer  by  stating  that  what  Mr. 
Stanford  desired  was 

And  taken  while  the  horse  was  at  full 
speed.  No  wonder  even  the  skilled 
Government  photographer  was  startled,  for 
at  that  date  the  only  attempts  that  had 
ever  been  made  to  photograph  objects  in 
motion  had  been  made  only  in  London  and 
in  Paris,  only  by  the  most  conspicuous 
masters  of  the  art,  and  only  of  the  most 
practicable  street  scenes.  And  even  in  these 
scenes  in  which  the  photograph  of  no 
objects  moving  faster  than  the  ordinary 
walk  of  a  man  had  been  attempted,  and  in 
which  the  legs  had  not  been  essayed  at  all, 
the  objects  were  taken  as  they  moved 
towards  the  camera,  in  which  action, 
owing  to  the  laws  of  perspective,  the 
continuous  change  of  place  was  less 
noticeable.  Occident  was  then  admittedly 
the  fastest  trotter  in  the  whole  world, 
having  recorded  a  mile  in  2:16  3/4,  which 
was  faster  one  than  even  the  skipping 
Goldsmith  Maid  had  done.  And  the  picture 
was  required  to  be  taken,  not  as  the  flyer 
should  bear  down  on  the  camera,  but  as  his 
driver  should  shoot  him  at  fullest  speed 
past  the  lens19  Mr.  Muybridge  therefore 
plainly  told  Mr.  Stanford  that  such  a  thing 
had  never  been  heard  of;  that  photography 
had  not  yet  arrived  at  any  such  wonderful 
perfection  as  would  enable  it  to  depict  a 
trotting  horse  at  speed.  The  firm,  quiet 
man  who  had,  over  mountains  and  deserts 
and  through  the  malignant  jeers  of  the 
world,  built  the  railroad  declared 
impossible,  simply  said:  "I  think,  if  you 
give  your  attention  to  the  subject,  you  will 
be  able  to  do  it,  and  I  want  you  to  try."  So 
the  photographer  had  nothing  to  do  but 
"try."  He  thought  over  the  matter, 
skillfully  made  all  the  then  known 
combinations  of  chemistry  and  optics   for 


taking  an  instant  picture,  made  the  trial, 
and  succeeded  in  getting  the  first  shadowy 
and  indistinct  picture  of  Occident  at  a  trot. 


Was  extremely  unsatisfactory  to  the  artist 
and  he  was  therefore  surprised  when  upon 
its  exhibition  to  Mr.  Stanford,  and  after 
that  gentleman  had  long  and  intently 
scrutinized  the  foggy  outlines  of  the  legs, 
Mr.  Stanford  expressed  unbounded 
satisfaction  with  it.  No  wonder.  To  him  the 
hazy  outlines  were  the  sun's  written 
confirmation  of  his  theory  that  from  the 
time  of  the  first  graven  image  to  that  of 
Rosa  Bonheur  there  had  never  been  the 
true  representation  of  an  animal  in  motion. 
With  the  picture  itself,  merely  as  a  picture, 
Mr.  Stanford  was  no  more  satisfied  than 
was  the  artist,  and  the  latter  having  agreed 
that  he  would  concentrate  his  thoughts 
upon  the  evolution  of  some  way  in  which 
photographs  might  be  more  rapidly  taken, 
he  went  away.  In  July,  1877,  Mr. 
Muybridge  again  went  to  Sacramento  and 
there  took  another  photograph  of  Occident 
at  full  speed  on  the  Agricultural  Park 
Track.  That  picture  was  a  success  that 
satisfied  not  only  Mr.  Stanford  but  Mr. 
Muybridge  also.  But  it  satisfied  no  person 
else.  No  picture  that  had  ever  been 
produced  by  any  process  had  called  up  so 


And  opprobrium.20  Scientists  ridiculed  it, 
anatomists  scoffed  at  it  and  old  turfmen 
jeered  at  it  and  aggressively  maintained  the 
impossibility  of  a  horse  ever  getting  itself 
into  the  position  represented.  But  the 
self-sustained  Mr.  Stanford  had  gone 
unscathed  through  a  more  malignant 
tempest  of  jeers  than  that,  and  had  brought 
the  scoffers  to  shame  at  last.  Mr.  Stanford 
looked  at  the  picture.  "That  is  nature,"  he 
said.  "I  am  convinced;  now  I  will  convince 
others."  The  picture  was  a  single  one, 
taken  with  a  single  camera,  and, 
necessarily,  the  horse  was  represented  in 
only  that  one  atom  of  time  in  which  he 
was     huried     past    the     lens.     It     was     an 

impossibility  to  devise  any  way  in  which  a 
horse  going  at  full  speed  should  at  one 
certain  instant  and  at  one  prescribed  point 
be  in  any  predetermined  part  of  his  stride. 
But  at  Mr.  Stanford's  suggestion  Mr. 
Muybridge  at  once  went  to  Mr.  Stanford's 
country  residence  at  Palo  Alto,  and  there 
arranged  twelve  cameras  to  take  that  many 
photographs  of  a  horse  passing  at  full  speed 
over  the  private  track  of  the  Palo  Alto 
estate.  The  twelve  cameras  were  arranged 
in  a  line  and  so  immediately  succeeding 
each  other  as  to  take  twelve  different  views 
of  the  horse  while  passing  all  twelve  of  the 
cameras  at  a  single  stride  of  his  gait. 
Oft-repeated  and  painstaking  experiments 
were  made  with  walking,  with  trotting, 
with  cantering  and  with  running  horses. 
Any  one  picture  of  any  one  of  these  series 
of  twelve  each  of  pictures  was  notably 
more  perfect  than  the  single  picture 
obtained  at  Sacramento.  These  pictures 
were  published,  and  instantly  found  their 
way  all  over  the  known  world.  Everywhere 
they  created 


The  least  of  such  astonishment  being 
created  here,  where  Mr.  Stanford,  Mr. 
Muybridge  and  the  horses  were  known,  for 
there  is  some  inexplicable  and  invarable 
rule  concealed  in  the  oft -quoted  text  of  the 
Scriptures  that  "a  prophet  is  not  without 
honor  save  in  his  own  country  and  among 
his  own  kindred."  The  pictures  created 
something  like  consternation  among  the 
learned,  the  scientific,  and  the  artistic 
societies  of  Europe.  Copies  of  the  series 
were  published  in  the  best  illustrated 
papers  of  both  America  and  Europe, 
including  the  Scientific  American  and  the 
leading  pictorials  of  Berlin,  of  Paris,  of 
Vienna,  and  of  London.  The  inestimable 
value  of  the  revelations  made  by  Mr. 
Muybridge 's  photographs  was  commented 
on  at  length  in  the  London  Times,  the 
Illustrated  London  News,  he  Nature  of 
Paris,  and  other  journals.  Professor  Marey, 
member  of  the  French  Academy,  and 
author  of  the  great  work  on  Animal 
Mechanism,  with  the  description  of  which 

of  the  walk  of  a  horse,  Mr.  Stanford  had 
taken  issue,  was  not  content  with 
publishing  in  Le  Nature  the  radical 
revolutions  of  his  own  views  of  animal 
mechanism  effected  by  a  view  of  these 
pictures,  but  he  wrote  Mr.  Muybridge  a 
letter  couched  in  almost  extravagant  terms 
of  compliment  as  to  the  value  of  the 
developments  made  by  the  process.  As  an 
instance  of  how  far  this  astonishment  at 
the  new  revelations  extended,  it  may  be 
stated  that  among  the  many  letters  from 
eminent  men  in  all  parts  of  the  world,  and 
received  by  Mr.  Muybridge,  was  one 
written  in  very  choice  Siamese  by  His  Most 
Gracious  Majesty  the  King  of  Siam,  and 
that  Mr.  Muybridge  might  have  the 
pleasure  of  knowing  what  the  King  had 
said  in  his  letter,  the  latter  had  very 
thoughtfully  had 

Inclose  under  cover  with  the  letter  a 
translation  of  it  into  English.  The  King  of 
Siam  is  himself,  although  an  amateur 
photographer,  still  a  skilled  one,  and  his 
unstinted  commendations  were  those  of  an 
expert  as  well  as  of  a  King.  In  front  of 
windows  of  bookstores  in  London,  in  Paris 
and  in  New  York,  and  in  which  the  prints 
of  the  series  were  exposed,  crowds  would 
congregate  to  comment  on  the  curious 
spectacle  which  had  given  to  an  animal  so 
well  known  an  absolutely  new 
signification.  A  lady  well  known  as  a  leader 
of  San  Francisco  society  was  one  day 
walking  along  Broadway,  and  was  stopped 
by  an  eager  crowd  in  front  of  a  window 
near  the  Metropolitan  Hotel.  Her  own 
curiosity  being  aroused,  she  commissioned 
her  escort  to  push  his  way  to  a  view  of 
what  attracted  so  much  attention.  He 
returned  to  her  considerably  rumpled  and 
compressed  and  reported,  "It's  that  queer 
picture  of  a  horse  taken  by  that 
iconoclastic  photographer  of  your  own 
city,  and  whose  malign  art  has  torn  into 
tatters  ten  thousand  prized  paintings  of 
horses  that  had  hitherto  been  confidently 
supposed  to  be  either  trotting  or  galloping, 
but    which    this    ruthless    gentleman    has 


proved  to  be  either  swimming  or  flying." 
Mr.  Stanford  himself  was  in  Paris  shortly 
after  the  publishing  of  the  photographs, 
and  was  in  the  studio  of  his  friend,  the 
great  artist  Meissonier,  who  had  himself 
seen  the  prints.  "Sketch  me  here  a  horse 
trotting,"  said  Mr.  Stanford.  Meissonier 
smiled,  stepped  to  his  easel,  and  with  a  few 
dextrous  touches  sketched  a  horse  trotting, 
as  all  good  artists  have  insisted  upon  his 
trotting,  since  the  world  began. 


And  both  he  and  Mr.  Stanford  for  a 
moment  contemplated  the  work.  "Now," 
said  Mr.  Stanford,  "make  me  a  sketch  of 
that  same  horse  in  that  same  stride  when 
he  shall  have  progressed  twelve  inches 
farther  on."  The  artist  looked  at  Mr. 
Stanford,  stepped  slowly  and  thoughtfully 
to  the  easel  and  with  some  hesitation  made 
a  second  sketch.  He  stepped  back,  looked 
at  it,  rubbed  it  out,  made  another,  stepped 
back  and  looked  at  that.  Three  times  he 
repeated  this  operation.  Then  rubbing  out 
the  lines  of  the  last  essay  he  turned  to  Mr. 
Stanford  and  said  simply,  "I  can't  do  it." 
And  yet  Meissonier  many  years  ago  drew 
the  picture  of  a  horse  that  would  have 
irretrievably  damned  any  other  artist  than 
himself  and  for  which  he  was  jeered  by  the 
critics  without  mercy.  Meissonier 
maintained  the  position  was  correct  and  in 
1877  California  sent  to  Paris  the  certificate 
of  the  sun  that  Meissonier  had  been 
correct,  for  one  picture  of  the  series21 
represents  a  horse  in  very  nearly  the 
attitude  represented  by  the  greatest  living 
painter.  But  as  Mr.  Stanford  had  been  the 
only  one  to  express  satisfaction  with  the 
initial  picture  of  1872,  so  he  was  now  the 
one,  when  everybody  else  said  "success," 
to  exact  success  far  more  complete. 
Therefore,  he  gave  Mr.  Muybridge  carte 
blanche,  with  instruction  to  provide 
himself  with  entirely  new  electric  and 
photographic  apparatus  the  most  perfect 
that  could  be  made  in  the  world,  and 
arrange  the  Palo  Alto  track  for  the  taking 
of  a  new  and  more  perfect  series  of 
pictures.    Mr.    Muybridge    then    had    new 

lenses  made  by  the  celebrated  optician 
Dallemeyer  of  London.  One  hundred  feet 
of  the  race  track 


And  in  front  of  the  camera  was  covered 
with  India  rubber.  On  one  side  of  this  track 
a  commodious  shed  was  erected  for  no  less 
than  twenty-four  cameras.  Opposite  the 
shed,  on  the  other  side  of  the  track,  was 
erected  a  background,  fifteen  feet  high,  of 
white  canvas,  and  which  slanted  away  from 
the  track  at  an  angle  of  thirty  degrees.  In 
the  shed,  back  of  the  camera,  was  a 
powerful  electric  battery.  The  twenty-four 
cameras  were  arranged  in  line,  and  in  front 
of  the  lens  of  each  was  secured  a  stout, 
wooden  shutter  about  twelve  inches 
square,  with  slides  secured  in  place  by  a 
spring,  the  release  of  which  would  cause 
them  to  be  snapped  past  each  other  by 
powerful  India-rubber  bands.  On  the 
farther  side  of  the  surface  of  the  track  was 
secured  two  lines  of  wooden  rails  an  inch 
in  height  and  eighteen  inches  apart,  and 
across  these  rails  and  twelve  inches  apart 
were  stretched  wires.  Between  these  rails 
the  driver  steered  a  wheel  of  the  sulky,  and 
as  the  wheel  passed  over  each  wire  an 
electric  circle  was  completed  which  tripped 
the  spring  in  the  lens  shutter,  its  slides  were 
shot  past  each  other,  and  in  passing  each 
other  they  exposed  for  a  very  razor-edge  of 
time  the  photographic  plate  to  the  action 
of  the  intense  light,  and  in  that  hairbreadth 
of  time  the  photograph  was  secured 
forever.  Instead  of  the  wires,  and  in  the 
case  of  ridden  horses,  the  electric  currents 
were  completed  by  the  contact  of  the 
breast  of  the  passing  horse  with  threads  of 
silk,  which  had  been  stretched  taut  across 
the  track  at  the  proper  height  from  the 
grounds  and  distances  from  each  other.  In 
what  an  inconceivable  atom  of  time  any 
one  picture  of  this  new  series  of 
twenty-four  to  the  stride  of  a  racehorse  at 
his  fullest  speed  was  taken  is  a  matter  of 
calculation.  The  running 

Which  when  photographed,  was  going  at  the 

rate  of  one  mile  in  1 :40.  This  is  at  the  rate 
of  fifty-two  feet  per  second.  But  this  is  the 
rate  of  the  aggregate  body  and  limbs  of  the 
horse.  The  feet,  considered  separately, 
travel  not  only  as  fast  as  the  body  of  the 
horse,  but  are  likewise  alternately  thrown 
forwards  and  backwards,  and  the  result  of 
a  series  of  careful  calculations  is  that  the 
foot  of  the  racehorse,  during  certain  parts 
of  the  stride,  travels  more  than  two  and  a 
half  times  as  fast  as  the  body,  or  that  the 
foot  of  the  horse  in  this  instance,  during 
such  times,  was  going  at  the  rate  of  130 
feet  in  a  second  at  the  time  the  picture  was 
taken.  All  thoroughly-studied  and 
experienced  photographers  can  tell  by  the 
scrutiny  of  any  photograph  what  change  of 
position  was  made  by  the  object 
photographed  during  the  time  of  such 
photography.  A  comparison  of  the 
opinions  passed  upon  the  picture  of  "Sallie 
Gardiner"  shows  that  her  foot  was 
photographed  while  it  was  moving  only 
one-quarter  of  an  inch.  As  130  feet  is  to 
one-quarter  of  an  inch,  so  is  one  second  to 
the  time  in  which  the  photograph  was 
taken.  This  was  the  inconceivable  portion 
of  time  that  is  less  than  the  six  thousandth 
part  of  a  second.  A  recent  reprint,  in  a  San 
Francisco  paper,  of  the  achievement  of  a 
New  York  photographer  who  had  secured  a 
photograph  in  the  one  hundredth  part  of  a 
second,  must  have  been  published  as  a 
mock  compliment  to  an  artist  progressing 
backwards  at  such  fearful  strides.  Artists 
abandon  the  legendary  position  of  the 
horse  only  slowly.  One  reason  is  the 
difficulty  Meissonier  himself  experienced 
of  reasoning  from  one  position  of  a  horse 
known  to  be  correct,  to  his  position  a 
second  later,  or  seen  from  any  other  point. 
Mr.  Muybridge,  once  in  the  studio  of  Mr. 
Perry  watched  with  interest  the  artist 
endeavoring  to  outline  the  picture  of 


He  had  Mr.  Muybridge's  pictures  as  a  guide. 
But  these  were  broad  side  views,  and  he 
wanted  a  quartering  view.  Mr.  Muybridge 
hastened  back  to  Palo  Alto,  arranged  five 
cameras  in  a  semi-circle  and  concentrating 


upon  one  point,  galloped  a  horse  over  the 
point  where  the  electric  current  was 
completed  and  produced  a  perfect  picture 
of  a  horse  at  fullest  speed,  as  seen  from  five 
different  points  of  view  all  at  the  same 
instant  of  time  and  while,  of  course,  the 
horse  was  in  one  and  the  same  position.23 
Now  an  artist  with  these  pictures  as  guides 
can  draw  a  horse  in  any  position  desired. 
Mr.  Stanford  was  now  just  half  satisfied. 
He  had  the  picture  of  animals  going  at  the 
rate  of  a  mile  in  1:40  and  at  any  six 
thousandth  part  of  a  second  of  the  gait 
that  he  might  select  to  view  them  at.  Now 
he  bade  the  artist  to  put  the  pictures 
themselves  in  motion.  Again  the  artist 
urged  that  science  had  found  no  way  of 
doing  such  a  thing.  It  was  of  no  avail,  and 
for  two  years  and  a  half  the  railroad 
builder  and  the  photographer  toiled  with  a 

child's  toy the  zootrope as  the  initial 

point,  and  finally  emerged  with  the 
zoogyroscope,  signifying  generally  animals 
in  motion.  24A  disc  of  zinc  about  eighteen 
inches  in  diameter  has  slots  radiating 
around  its  outer  verge.  On  the  outer  verge 
of  a  similarly-sized  disc  of  glass  are  the 
silhouettes  of  any  one  series  of  the 
photographs.25  The  discs  are  placed  on  the 
pivot  of  a  delicately-constructed  machine, 
which  revolves  them  in  opposite  directions. 
A  very  perfect  magic  lantern,  constructed 
for  the  purpose,  casts  the  pictures  the  size 
of  life  on  a  prepared  screen  and  across 
which  the  horses  walk  or  trot,  canter  or 
gallop,  even  as  they  do  in  life.  This  device 
may  be  said  to  be  already  perfect.  By  it 
wisdom  was  at  last  justified  of  her 
children.  There  across  the  canvas  trots  or 
gallops  forever 


Even  as  in  life  he  is  seen  on  the  fiercely 
contested  track.  Into  the  surprising 
attitudes  of  the  horse  in  the  photographs  is 
at  last  breathed  the  breath  of  life,  and  the 
scoffs  and  the  jeers  do  not  cease,  indeed, 
but  they  have  found  other  victims,  and  the 
bas  reliefs  of  the  Egyptians  and  the 
"spirited  picture"  of  the  Derby  by  Herring; 
even  the  lauded  canvases  of  Rosa  Bonheur 

are  found  to  have  no  more  truth  to  nature 
and  consequently  no  more  real  artistic 
value  than  if  they  had  all  been 
representations  of  the  mythical  Unicorn. 
The  exactness  with  which  the  motion  is 
reproduced  may  be  inferred  by  the 
following:  When  Mr.  Muybridge  had 
achieved  success  with  the  zoogyroscope  he 
had  one  series  of  photographs  done  in 
silhouette  on  the  outer  rim  of  one  glass 
disc,  and  with  the  apparatus  hastened  to 
Palo  Alto  to  show  the  result  to  Mr. 
Stanford.  Across  the  great  screen  again  and 
again  galloped  at  full  speed  a 
delicate-limbed  race  mare.  Mr.  Stanford 
looked  at  it.  "That  is  Phryne  Lewis,"  said 
Mr.  Muybridge.  "You  are  mistaken,"  said 
Mr.  Stanford;  "I  know  the  gait  too  well. 
That  is  Florence  Anderson."  The  artist  was 
certain  it  was  Phryne  Lewis.  Mr.  Stanford 
was  equally  certain  it  was  Florence 
Anderson,  and  it  was  only  after 
investigation  and  the  discovery  that  by  a 
misunderstanding  it  was  the  pictures  of 
Florence  Anderson  that  had  been  done  in 
silhouette  that  the  artist  was  convinced  of 
his  error.  The  series  of  pictures  taken  are 
perfect  and  numerous,  and  include  those  of 
athletes  running,  wrestling  and  turning 
somersaults,  as  well  as  of 


Imported  from  New  York  and  carefully 
photographed  in  each  of  the  positions  of  a 
horse  in  trotting.26  The  zoogryoscope  is 
complete  in  every  detail.  The  three  magic 
lanterns  are  the  most  perfect  that  can  be 
made.  The  series  of  discs  already  prepared 
are  thirty,  and  include  representations  of 
all  kinds  of  motions  of  horses,  horned 
cattle  and  men.  In  Europe,  far  more  than 
even  in  America,  the  desire  of  the  artists 
and  the  scientific  to  see  these  illustrations 
is  intense.  Under  these  circumstances,  the 
rumor  that  Mr.  Stanford  and  Mr. 
Muybridge  will  some  time  in  the  near 
future  take  the  pictures  to  Europe,  there  to 
exhibit  them  in  acceptance  of  urgent 
entreaties  so  to  do,  appears  to  have  a 
probability  of  truth.  The  inestimable  value 
of  the  joint  labors  of  Mr.  Stanford  and  Mr. 

Muybridge  to  the  scientist  in  the 
demonstration  of  animal  movements  and 
their  still  greater  value  to  artists  in 
elevating  the  portraiture  of  life  in  motion 
into  an  entirely  new  plane,  sustains  the 
hope  that  the  completed  works  will  soon 
be  put  on  exhibition.  The  circumstances 
must  have  been  exceptionally  felicitous 
that  made  co-laborateurs  of  the  man  that 
no  practical  impediment  could  balk,  and  of 
the  artist  who,  to  keep  pace  with  the 
demands  of  the  railroad  builder  hurried  his 
art  to  a  marvel  of  perfection  that  it  is  fair 
to  believe  it  would  not  else  have  reached  in 
another  century. 

F:  Stanford  vs.  Muybridge 

Muybridge  to  Frank  Shay,  Paris,  28 
November  1881  ("Address  American 
Exchange,  449  Strand,  London  ") 

Dear  Mr.  Shay. 

You  have  probably  been  informed  at 
the  time  of  writing  this,  that  the  Governor 
and  Mrs.  Stanford  left  Paris  on  Saturday, 
with  the  intention  of  sailing  from 
Liverpool  1st  Deer.  I  saw  them  off  on  the 
cars,  and  much  regret  the  state  of  the  Govs, 
health  left  so  much  to  be  desired;  however, 
for  the  last  week  he  has  been  rapidly 
improving,  and  we  have  every  hope  he  will 
have  a  comfortable  voyage,  and  land  in 
New  York,  if  not  entirely  well,  at  least 
with  every  prospect  of  immediate 
restoration.  His  residence  in  Paris  has  been 
entirely  devoid  of  pleasure,  both  to  himself 
and  Mrs.  Stanford,  but  if  the  C.P.  and  S.P. 
can  spare  him,  I  believe  he  proposes  to 
return  next  spring;  by  that  time  I  shall 
hope  to  be  in  full  operation,  experimenting 
with  new  subjects,  that  will  practically 
exhaust  the  scope  of  the  investigations. 
Whether  these  will  take  place  in  France  or 
England  is  yet  in  the  hidden  arcana  of  the 


I  have  happily  obtained  a  recognition 
among  the  artists  and  scientists  of  Paris 
which  is  extremely  gratifying,  and  were 
honor  all  that  I  am  seeking,  I  need  have  no 
apprehension.  I  sent  you  a  paper  with  an 
account  of  my  reception  at  an 
entertainment  at  the  residence  of  Professor 
Marey,  who  occupies  the  chair  of  natural 
history  at  the  "Institut;"  with  this  I 
forward  a  notice  of  a  reception  at  the 
residence  of  Meissonier  to  whom  the  Gov. 
paid  $10,000  for  a  portrait  of  size  about 
10  x  12  inches.  28  Many  of  the  most 
eminent  men  in  art  and  science  and  letters 
in  Europe  were  present  at  the  exhibition; 
and  men  like  Dumas,  Gerome  and  Millet 
requested  the  pleasure  of  an  introduction 
to  me.  Happily  I  have  strong  nerves,  or  I 
should  have  blushed  with  the  lavishness  of 
their  praises.  You  will  probably  read  some 
other  notices  which  will  be  copied  from 
other  French  and  English  papers. 

I  am  not  unmindful  of  your  promise  to 
do  me  any  little  favor.  I  might  during  my 
absence  ask  of  you,  and  I  will  now  ask  you 
to  devote  about  a  half  hour  of  your 
valuable  time. 

I  shall  shortly  visit  England  for  the 
purpose  of  inducing  some  wealthy 
gentlemen  (to  whom  I  have  letters  of 
introduction)  to  provide  the  necessary 
funds  for  pursuing  and  indeed  completing 
the  investigations  of  animal  motion;  and  in 
framing  an  estimate  of  the  probable  cost, 
can  have  no  better  basis  than  the  cost  of 
the  work  already  accomplished. 

Will  you  therefore  at  your  very  earliest 
convenience  favor  me  with  the  total 
amount  of  money  paid  to  me,  or  on  my 
account;  segregated  if  convenient  under  the 
following  headings. 

1.  Cash  paid  for  apparatus  and  material 
which  will  include  amts.  paid  me  by  you 
when  the  Gov.  was  sick. 

2.  Cash  paid  to  Muybridge  for  personal  use 
not  including  the  $2000  the  Gov.  gave  me. 

3.  Cash  paid  for  wages  of  assistants. 

4.  Estimated  cost  of  buildings  and  making 
the  track  at  Palo  Alto. 

This  will  be  valuable  to  me  for  laying 
before  these  gentlemen  the  actual  cost  of 
work  already  done  and  I  have  no  doubt 
you  will  be  kind  enough  to  furnish  me  with 
the  particulars.  I  am  writing  this  with  the 
pen  you  gave  me,  I  think  the  slight 
irregularities  you  may  observe,  may  be 
attributed  to  the  "Mackinnon  ink"  which 
is  falsely  stated  to  "flow  freely." 

I  have  not  written  to  Gov.  S.  before, 
because  I  had  accomplished  nothing;  I  have 
been  waiting  the  disposition  of  the 
Governor  29  since  the  1st  Octr. ;  not 
absolutely  idle  for  I  have  been  collecting 
materials  for  a  work  upon  the  attitudes  of 
animals  in  motion  as  illustrated  by  the 
Assyrians,  Egyptians,  Romans,  Greeks,  and 
the  great  masters  of  modern  times.  Will 
you  please  kindly  remember  me  to  Mrs. 
Shay,  Mr.  Taine  to  whom  please  say  I  will 
take  the  earliest  opportunity  of  writing. 
Mr.  Lathrop;  Capt.  Smith;  Mr.  Severann, 
and  others  too  numerous  to  mention. 
Yours  Faithfully,  Muybridge 
Please  don't  delay  sending  statement. 

Muybridge  to  Frank  Shay,  Paris,  23 
December  1881  ("Hotel  de  Hie  de  France, 
26  Rue  St.  Augustin")30 

Dear  Mr.  Shay : 

On  the  28  Nov  last  I  wrote  requesting 
the  favor  of  your  furnishing  me  with  a 
statement  arranged  under  the  separate 
heading  of  "Wages  to  operatives," 
"Advances  to  me  personally,"  and 
"Material"  of  the  cost  of  the  experiments 
at  Palo  Alto. 

This  statement  I  wished  to  place  before 
some  gentlemen,  in  my  application  to  them 
for  providing  the  means  for  another  series 
of  investigations  into  the  attitudes  of 
animals  in  motion.  With  that  courtesy 
which  you  have  invariably  exhibited  in 
your  intercourse  with  me  I  have  no  doubt 
you  have  furnished  me  with  all  the 

I  suggested  addressing  your  reply  to 
London,  but  since  then  some  very 
important  events  have  transpired  which 
will  render  an  extended  residence  in  Paris 
necessary;  and  at  the  same  time  relieve  me 
of  the  anxiety  under  which,  as  you  well 
know,  I  have  for  a  long  time  been  existing. 

Some  time  ago  I  [presented]  you  a 
paper  with  an  account  of  my  reception 
among  the  scientists  at  the  residence  of 
Professor  Marey;  and  later  one  with  an 
account  of  an  exhibition  at  the  studio  of 
M.  Meissonier. 

M.  Meissonier  exhibits  the  greatest 
interest  in  the  work,  and  through  his 
commanding  influence  I  have  obtained  a 
recognition  here  which  is  extremely 
gratifying  and  advantageous. 

Notwithstanding  the  large  prices 
obtained  for  his  pictures,  unfortunately  M. 
Meissonier  is  far  from  rich;  but  his 
influence  with  wealthy  people  is  immense; 
and  one  of  his  friends  has  expressed  a 
desire  to  associate  himself  with  M. 
Meissonier,  Professor  Marey  and  myself  in 
the  instituting  of  a  new  series  of 
investigations  which  I  intend  shall  throw  all 
those  executed  at  Palo  Alto  altogether  in 
the  shade.  I  have  been  experimenting  a 
great  deal  and  have  no  doubt  of  its 
successful  accomplishment. 

You  know  that  upon  the  completion  of 
the  work  at  Palo  Alto,  after  so 
embarrassing  [six]  a  time,31I  hoped  to  be  in 
a  position  to  devote  my  attention  to  the 
development  of  the  ideas  which  have 
created  so  great  a  sensation,  and  been 
received  with  so  much  warmth  in  Paris. 
This  was  my  intention;  and  I  am  happy  to 
say,  thanks  to  the  friendship  of  M. 
Meissonier  there  is  now  an  opportunity  of 
its  realization. 

Using  the  photographs  I  propose  to 
make  next  year  as  his  text,  M.  Meissonier 
intends  to  edit  and  publish  a  book  upon 
the  attitudes  of  animals  in  motion  as 
illustrated  by  both  ancient  and  modern 
artists.  He  proposes  it  shall  be  a  most 
elaborate  work,  and  exhaustive  of  the 
subject.  It  is  to  be  the  joint  production  of 
Meissonier,      Professor      Marey,      "the 


capitalist,"  and  myself,  and  be  a  standard 
work  on  art  which  as  Meissonier  says  will 
hand  the  names  of  all  four  of  us  down  to 

Both  he  and  I  considered  it  appropriate 
to  invite  the  Governor  to  join  us  if  he  is  so 
disposed,  which  we  have  done  by  letters, 
we  shall  be  pleased  to  welcome  him  if  he  is 
inclined  to  come  in,  if  he  declines  we  will 
avail     ourselves     of     the     desire     of     M. 


Meissonier's  friend. 

One  of  the  conditions  of  the  agreement 
is,  that  Meissonier  is  to  have  control  of  the 
results,  and  that  I  shall  assign  to  him  my 
present  American  and  European  copyrights 
and  also  those  I  make  next  season.  In 
consideration  of  which  I  shall  receive 
payment  for  the  times  I  was  working  in 
connection  with  their  production,  and  at 
my  ordinary  rate  of  payment  for  work  in 
California,  this  will  of  course  be  quite  a 
sum.  M.     Meissonier     himself     is     not 

actuated  by  any  selfish  motives,  neither  do 
I  suppose  is  his  friend  (who  the  "friend"  is 
I  do  not  know)  for  he  assures  me  he  is  very 
rich;  but  I  really  believe  and  so  does  M. 
Meissonier  it  will  be  an  investment  that  will 
pay  for  itself,  and  very  probably  a 
profitable  one. 

I  have  had  several  other  propositions 
made  me,  among  others  one  from  Goupil, 
the  fine  art  publisher,  and  perhaps  I  might 
make  more  money  if  I  treat  with  each 
country  separately  but  I  am  desirous  of 
being  free  from  any  financial  management 
or  operations,  and  devote  my  time 
unreservedly  to  work. 

I  hope  your  mine  has  turned  out 
enough  rich  paying  ore  to  satisfy  the 
reasonable  requirements  of  any  moderate 
man,  and  that  its  results  will  enable  you  to 
retire  from  speculation,  and  seek 
enjoyment  for  a  time  in  Europe;  and  if  in 
the  course  of  your  travels  you  should  next 
summer  find  yourself  in  Paris;  make  me  a 
visit  to  my  Electro-Photo  studio  in  the  Bois 
de  Boulogne  and  I  will  give  you  a  welcome. 
Respects  of  the  kindest  description  to  Mrs. 

Yours  Faithfully,  Muybridge 

Muy  bridge  to  J.D.B.  Stillman,  7  March 
1882  ("American  Exchange,  449  Strand, 

Dear  Doctor: 

When  I  last  wrote  you  a  few  months 
ago,  I  offered  to  assist  you  in  the 
production  of  the  work  on  the  theory  of 
animal  movements.  I  have  become 
possessed  of  a  great  deal  of  information  on 
the  subject  which  I  am  willing  to  place  at 
your  disposal  to  work  up  for  our  joint 
benefit.  It  was  contemplated  at  one  time  to 
make  use  of  my  photographs  for 
illustration,  but  having  heard  nothing 
further  in  relation  to  it,  and  from 
conversation  with  Mr.  Stanford  last  Fall  I 
suppose  the  idea  of  making  arrangements 
for  pictorial  illustration  has  been 
abandoned.  In  December  last,  Mr. 
Meissonier  and  I  wrote  to  Mr.  Stanford 
that  we  in  association  with  Professor  Marey 
contemplated  the  publication  of  a  very 
elaborate  illustrated  work  on  the  attitudes 
of  animals  in  motion  and  the  prosecution 
of  new  investigations  into  the  subject  one 
of  the  conditions  being  that  Mr.  Meissonier 
should  acquire  control  of  the  copyrights. 
As  I  had  all  the  time  been  under  the 
impression  Mr.  Stanford  would  like  to 
acquire  the  copyrights  of  the  photographs, 
if  not  for  Europe,  at  least  for  America,  we 
deemed  it  the  correct  thing  to  write  him  to 
join  us  in  preference  to  making  other 
arrangements,  but  to  neither  of  our  letters 
have  we  been  favored  with  a  reply. 

You  are  I  suppose  still  writting  [sic] 
away:  you  perhaps  recollect  what  I 
originally  told  you  about  the  time  it  would 
take;  and,  if  you  succeed  in  getting  the 
work  in  the  market  before  1883  I  shall 
consider  you  very  fortunate.  Who  have  you 
arranged  with  to  publish  it? 

I  am  in  England  at  the  invitation  of  the 
Royal  Institution.  Drs.  Tyndall,  Huxley, 
Bowman,  Carpenter,  Crookes,  and  a 
number  of  other  eminent  men  have  taken  a 
great  interest  in  my  photographs,  and  last 
evening  we  had  a  rehearsal  in  the  lecture 
room  of  the  institution  preparatory  to  an 
exhibition  before  the  members  on  Monday 

night  when  we  shall  have  a  very  brilliant 
audience.  Sir  Fredk.  Leighton,  president  of 
the  Royal  Academy  was  present  last 
evening  and  after  it  was  over  he  expressed 
himself  anxious  to  arrange  for  an 
exhibition  before  the  members  of  the 
Academy,  and  I  meet  a  number  of  R.A. 's 
this  evening  at  the  house  of  Alma-Tadema 
to  talk  the  matter  over.  I  have  had  a  very 
agreeable  interview  with  Lord  Roseberry 
and  quite  a  number  other  distinguished  and 
wealthy  men.  I  anticipate  no  difficulty  in 
pursuing  the  investigation  on  a  large  and 
more  comprehensive  scale  than  has  yet 
been  done  and  to  an  exhaustive  conclusion, 
(and  I  think  it  probable  my  anxiety,  and 
financial  embarrassment,  now  of  some 
years  duration,  is  over).  I  suggested  waiting 
the  publication  of  any  theories  founded  on 
my  work,  until  this  was  done  as  I  was 
anxious  all  criticism  should  await  the 
completion  of  the  new  experiments.  I  am 
promised  every  facility  for  work  in  Paris, 
but  whether  I  shall  commence  there  or  in 
England  I  have  not  yet  fully  determined. 
The  Prince  of  Wales  takes  a  great  interest  in 
the  matter  and  I  am  promised  an 
introduction  to  him  on  Monday.  Hoping 
you  are  in  your  usual  robust  health,  I  am 
Yours  Faithfully,  Muybridge 


Stilli7ian's    Book    Reaches   London    (from 
Nature,  20  April  1882 f^ 


We  have  received  from  Messrs.  Trubner 
and  Co.  a  handsome  and  richly  illustrated 
quarto,  "The  Horse  in  Motion,  as  shown  by 
Instantaneous  Photography,  with  a  Study 
in  Animal  Mechanics,  founded  on 
Anatomy  and  the  Revelations  of  the 
Camera,  in  which  is  demonstrated  the 
Theory  of  Quadrupedal  Motion,"  by  J.D.B. 
Stillman,  A.M.,  M.D.  The  investigations  are 
executed  and  published  under  the  auspices 
of  Mr.  Leland  Stanford,  of  Palo  Alto  Farm, 
California.  We  hope  shortly  to  notice  this 
work  at  some  length,  and  meanwhile  make 
the  following  extract  from  Mr.  Leland 
Stanford's  preface,  which  shows  the  exact 
part  taken  by  each  of  those  concerned  in 


the  investigation: "I  have  for  a  long  time 

entertained  the  opinion  that  the  accepted 
theory  of  the  relative  positions  of  the  feet 
of  horses  in  rapid  motion  was  erroneous.  I 
also  believed  that  the  camera  could  be 
utilized  to  demonstrate  that  fact,  and,  by 
instantaneous  pictures,  show  the  actual 
position  of  the  limbs  at  each  instant  of  the 
stride;  under  this  conviction  I  employed 
Mr.  Muybridge,  a  very  skillful 
photographer,  to  institute  a  series  of 
experiments  to  that  end.  .  .  .  When  these 
experiments  were  made,  it  was  not 
contemplated  to  publish  the  results;  the 
the  facts  revealed  seemed  so  important, 
that  I  determined  to  have  a  careful  analysis 
made  of  them.  For  this  purpose  it  was 
necessary  to  review  the  whole  subject  of 
the  locomotive  machinery  of  the  horse.  I 
employed  Dr.  J.D.B.  Stillman,  whom  I 
believed  to  be  capable  of  the  undertaking. 
The  result  has  been,  that  much  instructive 
information  on  the  mechanism  of  the  horse 
has  been  revealed,  which  is  believed  to  be 
new,  and  of  sufficient  importance  to  be 
preserved  and  published." 

Muybridge     Responds    (Nature,    27    April 

In  Nature,  vol.  xxv.  p.  591,  you  notice 
the  publication  of  a  work  entitled  "The 
Horse  in  Motion,"  by  Dr.  Stillman,  and 
remark:  "the  following  extract  from  Mr. 
Stanford's  preface  shows  the  exact  part 
taken  by  each  of  those  concerned  in  the 
investigations."  Will  you  permit  me  to  say, 
if  the  subsequently  quoted  "extract"  from 
Mr.  Stanford's  preface  is  suffered  to  pass 
uncontradicted,  it  will  do  me  a  great 
injustice  and  irreparable  injury.  At  the 
suggestion  of  a  gentlemen,  now  residing  in 
San  Francisco,  Mr.  Stanford  asked  me  if  it 
was  possible  to  photograph  a  favourite 
horse  of  his  at  full  speed.  I  invented  the 
means  employed,  submitted  the  result  to 
Mr.  Stanford,  and  accomplished  the  work 
for  his  private  gratification,  without 
remuneration.  I  subsequently  suggested, 
invented,  and  patented  the  more  elaborate 


'  %   

Lithograph  from  J.D.B.  Stillman's  The  Horse  in  Motion 

Muybridge's  original  photograph, 
from  Attitudes  of  Animals  in  Motion 

system  of  investigation,  Mr.  Stanford 
paying  the  actual  necessary  disbursements, 
exclusive  of  the  value  of  my  time,  or  my 
personal  expenses.  I  patented  the  apparatus 
and  copyrighted  the  resulting  photographs 
for  my  own  exclusive  benefit.  Upon  the 
completion  of  the  work  Mr.  Stanford 
presented  me  with  the  apparatus.  Never 
having  asked  or  received  any  payment  for 
the  photographs,  other  than  as  mentioned, 
I  accepted  this  as  a  voluntary  gift;  the 
apparatus  under  my  patents  being 
worthless  for  use  to  any  one  but  myself. 
These  are  the  facts;  and  on  the  bases  of 
these  I  am  preparing  to  assert  my  rights.36 
J.  Muybridge  [the  E.  is  omitted] 

Stanford's     Preface     to     "The    Horse     in 

I  have  for  a  long  time  entertained  the 
opinion  that  the  accepted  theory  of  the 
relative  positions  of  the  feet  of  horses  in 
rapid  motion  was  erroneous.  I  also  believed 
that  the  camera  could  be  utilized  to 
demonstrate  that  fact,  and  by 
instantaneous  pictures  show  the  actual 
position  of  the  limbs  at  each  instant  of  the 
stride.  Under  this  conviction  I  employed 
Mr.  Muybridge,  a  very  skillful 
photographer,  to  institute  a  series  of 
experiments  to  that  end.  Beginning  with 
one,  the  number  of  cameras  was  afterwards 
increased  to  twenty-four,  by  which  means 
as  many  views  were  taken  of  the 
progressive  movements  of  the  horse.  The 
time  occupied  in  taking  each  of  these  views 
is  calculated  to  be  not  more  than  the 
five-thousandth  part  of  a  second.  The 
method  adopted  is  described  in  the 
Appendix  to  this  volume. 

When  these  experiments  were  made  it 
was  not  contemplated  to  publish  the 
results;  but  the  facts  revealed  seemed  so 
important  that  I  determined  to  have  a 
careful  analysis  made  of  them.  For  this 
purpose  it  was  necessary  to  review  the 
whole  subject  of  the  locomotive  machinery 
of  the  horse.  I  employed  Dr.  J.D.B. 
Stillman,  whom  I  believed  to  be  capable  of 

the  undertaking.  The  result  has  been  that 
much  instructive  information  on  the 
mechanism  of  the  horse  has  been  revealed, 
which  is  believed  to  be  new  and  of 
sufficient  importance  to  be  preserved  and 

The  Horse  in  Motion  is  the  title  chosen 
for  the  book;  for  the  reason  that  it  was  the 
interest  felt  in  the  action  of  that  animal 
that  led  to  the  experiments,  the  results  of 
which  are  here  published,  though  the 
interest  wakened  led  to  similar 
investigations  on  the  paces  and  movements 
of  other  animals.  It  will  be  seen  that  the 
same  law  governs  the  movements  of  most 
other  quadrupeds,  and  it  must  be 
determined  by  their  anatomical  structure. 

The  facts  demonstrated  cannot  fail,  it 
would  seem,  to  modify  the  opinions 
generally  entertained  by  many,  and,  as 
they  become  more  generally  known,  to 
have  their  influence  on  art. 
Palo  Alto  Farm,  California,  1881 

Stanford  to  Stillman,  23  October  1882 
("Office  of  the  Central  Pacific  Railroad, 
President's  Department") 

Dear  Doctor: 

I  enclose  you  Osgood's  report,  and  also 
a  letter  from  Mr.  Reid.  Muybridge  has 
commenced  a  suit  by  attachment  in 
Boston,  levying  on  all  the  books,  and 
charging  that  I  have,  by  the  publication  of 
the  book,  injured  his  professional 
reputation.  He  wants  damages  to  the 
extent  of  $50,000  and  claims  that  the  idea 
of  taking  photographs  of  horses  in  motion 
originated  with  him,  and  not  with  me,  and 
that  I  set  up  that  claim  in  the  book. 

When  I  first  spoke  to  Muybridge  about 
the  matter,  he  said  it  could  not  be  done.  I 
insisted,  and  he  made  his  trials.  He  has 
often  stated  this  to  others,  and  I  think 
there  will  be  no  difficulty  in  defeating  his 
suit,  and  showing  that  his  merit  such  as  it 
is,  was  in  carrying  out  my  suggestions.  You 
will  probably  remember  his  having  said  so 
to  you,  as  he  was  in  the  habit  of  saying  so 

often  to  others.  I  think  it  was  completely 
set  forth  in  the  sketch  that  he  gave  at  one 
time  to  put  into  the  book  as  an  appendix.37 
I  think  the  fame  we  have  given  him  has 
turned  his  head.  I  think  of  going  East 
about  the  first  of  next  month.  If  you  have 
any  suggestions  to  make  in  regard  to  the 
book  or  other  matters  please  let  me  know 
and  I  will  endeavor  to  attend  to  them 

Hoping  yourself  and  family  are  all  well.  I 
am  with  kind  regards, 
Your  friend,  Leland  Stanford 

G.  Meissonier's  New  "1887" 

From  the  New  York  Evening  Post, 
Saturday,  26  March  1887  (Kingston 
Scrap  book,  p.  171) 

Sir:  A  cablegram  from  London, 
published  in  one  of  this  morning's  papers, 
announces  the  fact  that  Meissonier  is 
painting  a  new  "Friedland"  picture,  which 
is  to  be  a  revised  and  improved  copy  of  the 
work  in  the  Stewart  collection  now  being 
sold  at  public  auction  in  this  city.38  The 
implication  being  conveyed  by  the  article  is 
that  Meissonier  is  guilty  of  a  dishonest 
action  in  thus  reproducing  his  famous 

A  letter  which  I  have  seen  this  morning, 
written  by  Meissonier  to  Mr.  Muybridge  of 
the  University  of  Pennyslvania,  and  certain 
facts  which  have  come  to  my  notice, 
explain  why  the  artist  has  decided  to 
reproduce  the  work  upon  which  so  much 
of  his  fame  in  this  country  has  seemed  to 

A  few  years  ago,  when  Mr.  Muybridge 
first  went  to  Paris  with  a  collection  of  his 
photographs  of  animals  in  motion,  a 
reception  was  tendered  him  by  Meissonier, 
to  which  were  invited  many  of  the  most 
distinguished  artists  in  France.  At  this 
reception  Meissonier  exhibited  and  highly 
commended  the  wonderful  revelations 
made  by  Mr.  Muybridge's  investigations, 
stating    frankly,    in    the    presence    of    his 


brother  artists,  that  he  had  been  mistaken 
in  his  past  observations  of  horses  in 
motion.  He  acknowledged  that  the  picture 
"Friedland"  contained  what  he  now  knew 
to  be  gross  errors,  and  he  expressed  his 
regret  that  he  could  obtain  no  opportunity 
to  correct  them,  as  he  would  gladly  do. 

Feeling  that  his  reputation  as  an  artist 
might  in  time  be  compromised  by  this 
picture,  Meissonier,  it  is  believed,  has 
begun  the  new  picture  with  the  intention 
of  correcting  such  faults  as  he  recognizes  in 
the  work  in  the  Stewart  sale. 

No  artist  is  more  conscientious  and 
none  more  jealously  guards  his  good 
reputation  than  does  Meissonier.  He  is  a 
man  who  never  allows  to  go  out  of  his 
studio  a  work  which,  at  the  time,  he  deems 
unworthy  of  his  reputation  or 
unsatisfactory  to  his  highest  artistic 

Very  respectfully  yours, 
Charles  M.  Kurtz,  New  York,  March  25 

H.  Restatement  1892 

Draft  of  a  letter,  Muybridge  to  Stanford,  2 
May  1892.  "San  Francisco  Art  Association, 
430  Pine  Street,  San  Francisco."  (The 
original,  in  Muy bridge's  hand,  is  in  The 
Bancroft  Library,  University  of  California, 
Berkeley,  and  is  published  here,  with 
Muy  bridge's  deletions  indicated  in 
brackets,  by  the  permission  of  the 
Director.)  The  letter  is  addressed  "To  The 
Hon.  Leland  Stanford,  United  States 
Senate.  "  There  is  no  signature.  39 

My  dear  Sir. 

In  the  spring  of  the  year  1872  in 
Sacramento,  you  asked  me  if  it  was 
possible  to  photograph  from  a  lateral  point 
of  view,  your  horse  Occident  while  trotting 
at  full  speed;  as  you  wished  to  confirm  a 
theory  that  a  horse  trotting  at  full  speed 
must  necessarily  be  clear  of  the  ground  for 
a  portion  of  his  stride. 

I  need  not  remind  you  that  in  a  few 
days  I  established  the  truth  of  this  theory 

to  your  and  my  own  satisfaction,  if  not  to 
the  satisfaction  of  the  world. 

On  the  7  August  1877  in  a  letter  (a 
copy  of  which  I  have  before  me)40 1 
suggested  to  you  a  plan  for  making  a  series 
of  electro-photographs,  automatically,  by 
which  the  consecutive  phases  of  a  single 
stride  could  be  successfully  photographed. 

Being  [I— became]  much  interested  in 
this  subject,  [-and— -in— -seek-mg—  -you-r 
eo  operation  in  the  work.  ]  I  offered  to 
supply  you  with  what  copies  of  the  results 
you  required  for  your  personal  use,  if  you 
would  pay  the  actual  expenses  of  obtaining 

them omitting   any   payment   in   money 

for  my  time. 

You  accepted  my  proposition,  and  from 
a  few  days  after  the  date  of  my  letter,  until 
the  spring  of  1881,  or  for  more  than  three 
years,  my  time  was  devoted  almost 
exclusively  to  superintending  the 
construction  of  the  apparatus  or  the 
execution  of  the  work.41 

In  the  summer  of  1878  I  published  and 
copyrighted  under  the  title  of 

The  Horse  in  Motion 



six  photographs  of  your  horses,  each 
illustrating  [12]  consecutive  phases  of  the 
Trot,  Gallop,  etc. 

I  delivered  to  you  a  large  number  of 
these  photographs  with  the  above  title 
printed  on  the  mounts  thereof,  but  very 
few  were  sold. 

In  [consideration]  consequence  of  the 
interest  which  you  and  [-Mrs— Stanford  ] 
manifested  in  the  work,  [ and- -her- desire- to 
ex-tend—  -the — investigation-]  it  was  then 
arranged  that  I  should  continue  my  work, 
with  24  cameras  instead  of  12  the  results 
of  which,  as  you  state  in  the  preface  to  the 
book,       published       under      your 

auspices were  not  originally  intended  for 

publication  by  you. 

Finding,  however  that  my  system  of 
investigating  Animal  Locomotion  began  to 
attract  some  attention,  it  was  agreed  and 
arranged  that  my  photographs  should  be 
reproduced  and  published  in  book  form. 

It  was  your  professed,  and  I  believed 
your  sincere  desire  to  recognize  my 
devotion  to  the  work  by  extending  a 
knowledge  of  it  to  the  world,  and  by  that 
means  to  bring  me  not  only  fame,  but 
something  more  substantial,  in  the  shape  of 
[•something-]  that  which  too  often  fails  to 
accompany  fame,  these  or  words  to  that 
effect,  were  frequently  used  by  you. 

During  the  winter  of  1880-81  "J  D  B 
Stillman   MD"  (who  was  not  present  at  a 

single  experiment  of  motion)  at  your 

request  commenced  to  examine  and  write  a 
description  of  my  photographs.  While 
engaged  in  this  work,  Stillman  submitted 
to  me  the  title  page  of  the  proposed  book, 
which,  taking  my  original  copyrighted  title 
as  his  key,  was  substantially  as  follows: 

The  Horse  in  Motion 

as  demonstrated  by  a  series  of  photographs 

by  Muybridge 

With  an  attempt  to  elucidate  the  theory 

of  Animal  Locmotion 

by  J.D.B.  Stillman  MD 

Published  under  the  auspices  of 

Leland  Stanford 

This  title  page  was  satisfactory  to  me 
and  had  this  book  been  published  it  might 
have  been  of  some  assistance  in  obtaining 
for  me  the  reward  which  you  expressed 
your  belief  and  desire  I  should  have. 

Early  in  the  year  1882  I  gave  a  Lecture 
at  the  Royal  Institution  of  Great  Britain, 
when  I  took  the  opportunity  of  giving  you, 
what  I  think  you  will  consider  was  full  and 
generous  acknowledgment  for  your 
co-operation  and  assistance  in  my  work. 

This  lecture  brought  me  into  contact 
with  many  persons  distinguished  in  Science 
or  Art  or  holding  the  highest  rank  in 

Mr.    Spottiswoode the    President    of 

the  Royal  Society  of  London  invited  me  to 
prepare  a  monograph  on  Animal 
Locomotion  to  be  published  in  the 
"Proceedings"  of  the  Society,  and 
promised  to  provide  the  funds  for  an 
exhaustive  investigation  of  the  subject  to 
be  made  under  the  auspices  of  the  Society. 


I  was  invited  to  give  several  public  and 
private  repetitions  of  the  Lecture  given  at 
the  Royal  Institution.  And  altogether  a 
brilliant  and  profitable  career  seemed 
opened  to  me  in  London. 

In  response  to  the  invitation  by  the 
President  I  wrote  a  monograph  on  Animal 
Locomotion,  and  submitted  it  to  the 
Council  of  the  Royal  Society. 

This  monograph  was  examined, 
accepted  and  a  day  appointed  for  its 
presentation  to  the  Fellows,  and  for  its 
being  placed  in  the  records  of  the  Society. 

I  have  in  my  possession  a  proof  sheet  of 
my  monograph,  printed  by  the  Society,  (as 
is  its  custom)  before  [it  is]  being  place  on 
the  record  of  its  "Proceedings." 

About  three  days  before  the  time 
appointed  for  the  reception  of  my 
monograph  by  the  Fellows,  I  received  a 
note  requesting  my  presence  at  the  Rooms 
of  the  Society. 

Upon  my  arrival  I  was  conducted  to  the 
Council  Chamber,  and  was  asked  by  the 
President  in  the  presence  of  the  assembled 
Council,  if  I  knew  anything  about  a  book 
then  on  the  table  having  on  its  title  page, 
the  following 

The  Horse  in  Motion 


JDB  Stillman  MD 

Published  under  the  auspices  of 

Leland  Stanford 

[and]  there  being  no  reference  thereon  to 

I  was  asked  whether  this  book 
contained  the  results  of  the  photographic 
investigation  of  which  I  had  professed  to 
be  the  author.  That  being  admitted  I  was 
invited  to  explain  to  the  Council  how  it 
was  that  my  name  did  not  appear  on  the 
Title  page,  in  accordance  with  my 

No  explanation  of  mine  could  avail  in 
the  face  of  the  evidence  on  the  title  page, 
and  in  the  book  before  the  Council,  I  had 
no  proof  to  support  my  assertions. 

My  monograph  was  refused  a  place  on 
the  records  of  the  Royal  Society  until  I 
could    prove    to    the    satisfaction    of    the 

Council  my  claim  to  be  considered  its 
original  author,  and  until  this  day  it 
remains  unrecorded  from  the  lack  of 
evidence  which  would  be  acceptable  to  the 
Council,  which  evidence  is  at  your 

The  doors  of  the  Royal  Society  were 
thus  closed  against  me,  and  in  consequence 
of  this  action,  the  invitations  which  had 
been  extended  to  me  were  immediately 
cancelled,  and  my  promising  career  in 
London  was  thus  brought  to  a  disastrous 

My  available  funds  being  exhausted  I 
was  compelled  to  sell  the  four  original 
photographic  copies  of 

"The  Horse  in  Motion" 

which  I  had  printed  at  your  request  and  for 
your  purposes,  and  with  the  proceeds  of 
their  sale  I  returned  to  America. 

I  will  not  now  trouble  you  with  any 
details  of  other  and  subsequent  happenings 
more  than  to  say  that  in  consequence  of 
this  publication  of 

'The  Horse  in  Motion" 


J.D.B.  Stillman  MD 

I  for  two  years  vainly  sought  assistance  to 
pursue  my  researches  until  at  last  through 
the  influence  of  Dr.  William  Pepper,  and 
other  gentlemen  (who  had  made  due 
enquiries  as  to  my  position  in  the  matter)  I 
was  instructed  by  the  University  of 
Pennsylvania  to  make  a  comprehensive 
investigation  of  the  subject  of  Animal 
Locomotion.  A  few  of  the  results  of  this 
investigation,  you  have  seen. 

I  have  patiently  waited  during  eleven 
years  without  bringing  this  matter  to  your 
attention,  but  I  think  that  the  time  has 
arrived  when  in  justice  both  to  you  and  to 
myself  I  ought  to  do  so. 

With  many  of  the  facts  which  I  have 
related  you  are  already  familiar,  and  I  do 
not  believe  you  will  question  the  accuracy 
of  my  statements  in  regard  to  the  others, 
they  are  however  all  susceptible  of  [being 
read-Hy-and ]  conclusive [ly-proved-]  proof. 
I  am,  Dear  Sir,  Yours  Faithfully 

I.  Muybridge:  His  Summation  1892 

"Correspondence,"  The  Journal  of  the 
Camera  Club  (London),  9  November  1897, 
pp.  190-192  (Kingston  Scrapbook,  p.  196) 


If  a  recent  lecture  at  the  Camera  Club 
was  correctly  reported  in  the  Standard,  of 
5th  Nov.,  I  have  no  doubt  of  one  of  the 
statements  made  by  the  lecturer  causing 
you  and  some  of  the  other  members  of 
your  Club  considerable  astonishment. 

The  paragraph  reads  as  follows: "The 

reconstruction    of    that    movement that 

was     to     say     the     synthesis was     then 

considered  a  very  distant  problem. 
Towards  1893  appeared  the  Edison 
Kinetoscope,  which  realized  that 

The  "then"  presumably,  refers  to  a  date 

previously   mentioned 1874 at   which 

time  a  photographic  investigation  of  animal 
movements  had  been  commenced  in 

During  the  last  few  years,  numerous 
gentlemen  in  Europe  and  America  have  put 
forth  claims  to  have  been  the  first  to 
demonstrate  by  synthesis  the  results  of 
photographic  analysis. 

Having,  many  years  ago,  practically 
retired  from  the  field  of  photographic 
investigation,  I  have  taken  no  part  in  this 
controversy.  Since,  however,  the  statement 
is  gravely  made  to  a  body  of  scientific  men 
assembled  in  your  rooms,  that  an  apparatus 

for    showing   "Animated   Photographs" 

so  called was  not  "invented"  until  about 

five  years  since,  I  thought  it  a  not 
inappropriate  occasion  to  send  you,  for  the 
information  of  such  members  of  your  Club 
as  care  to  take  the  trouble  to  read  them,  a 
few  quotations  in  regard  to  some 
demonstrations  of  a  similar  character 
which  were  made  so  long  ago  that  one  may 
reasonably  be  excused  for  having  forgotten 
all  about  them. 

As  dates  are  the  all  important  feature  in 
this  matter,  it  is  as  well  to  direct  attention 
to   the   fact   that   Mr.   Richard   A.  Proctor, 


writing  in  1881,  alludes  to  his  having  seen, 
"about  two  years"  before  that  time,  the 
projecting  apparatus  called  the 
Zoopraxiscope,  which  was  then  in  practical 
use  to  reproduce  apparent  motion  from 
analytical  photographs. 

Whether  the  Zoopraxiscope  or  any  of 
the  instruments  more  recently  constructed 
for  this  purpose  can  be  correctly  called  an 
"invention"  may  be  open  to  question,  for 
it  is  well  known  that  the  same  principle 
was  employed  by  the  Belgian  physicist, 
Plateau,  in  the  early  part  of  this  century, 
and,  perhaps,  before  that  time  by  the 
Weber  Brothers;  so  whatever  honour  may 
be  considered  as  belonging  to  the 
"inventor"  of  this  system  of  demonstration 
must  be  awarded  to  one  long  since  passed 

I  am  not  aware  whether  Plateau,  or  the 
Webers,  used  a  modification  of  the 
apparatus  for  lantern  projection.  I  think  it 
very  likely  the  former  did,  anyway  an 
instrument  was  used  for  that  purpose 
nearly  fifty  years  ago  by  Pepper.43 

Now,  in  regard  to  the  Kinetoscope. 

I  think  Mr.  Edison  himself  would  no 
more  claim  to  be  the  inventor  of  the  first 
apparatus,  constructed  and  used  for  the 
purpose  of  demonstrating  by  synthesis 
movements  originally  analytically 
photographed  from  life,  than  he  would 
claim  to  be  the  originator  of  the 
phonograph,  the  telephone,  or  the  electric 

The  Kinetoscope  is  undoubtedly  an 
improvement  on  the  Zoopraxiscope,  even 
as  that  instrument  was  an  improvement  on 
the  Zoetrope. 

Several  years  before  the  appearance  of 
the  Kinetoscope,  Mr.  Edison  was  made 
perfectly  familiar  with  the  construction 
and  contemplated  improvements  of  the 
Zoopraxiscope  during  a  conversation  held 
with  him  about  the  possibility  of 
combining  that  apparatus  in  a  modified 
form  with  the  phonograph,  and  thus  to 
synchronously  reproduce  actions  and 
words  an  article  in  respect  to  which  was 
published  in  the  Nation,  of  New  York  19th 
January    1888. 

At  that  time,  however,  the  phases  of 
any  one  or  a  series  of  actions  was  limited  in 

number     to     thirty-six the     number     of 

lenses  used  for  photographing.  In  this  way 
was  illustrated  two  strides  of  a  horse,  a 
jump  over  a  hurdle,  another  two  strides, 
another  jump  and  so  on,  uninterruptedly 
repeated  during  a  period  limited  only  by 
the  patience  of  the  audience. 

All  of  the  more  recent  instruments  are, 
naturally,  a  great  improvement  on  their 
prototype.  Science  advances. 

To  Mr.  Marey  must  be  attributed  the 
first  successful  obtainment  of  consecutive 
phases  of  motion  with  a  single  lens  upon  a 
strip  of  sensitized  material.  The  results  of 
some  of  his  experiments  in  this  direction 
were  published  by  him  at  a  meeting  of  the 
Academie  des  Sciences,  3rd  July,  1882, 
and  are  reported  in  Comptes  rendus  des 
seances  de    Vacademie  des  Sciences,  t.  xcv. 

You  will  perhaps  see  that  the  first 
demonostration  given  in  Europe  of 
projected  syntheses  of  analytical 
photography  was  at  the  house  of  M.  Marey, 
in  Paris,  September  1881.  Your  Club  has,  I 
think,  in  its  library,  one  of  the  series  of 
photographs  exhibited  on  that  occasion, 
which  was  made  in  1878,  and  seen  by  Mr. 

Proctor synthetically 1      think,      the 

following  year. 

Permit  me,  in  conclusion,  to  direct  your 
attention,  and  through  you,  that  of  your 
colleagues,  to  a  paragraph  of  page  20  of  a 
little  book,  called  "Descriptive 
Zoopraxography,"  which,  I  believe,  is  in 
your  library.  It  refers  to  the  flight  of 
insects.44 Marey  has  demonstrated  many 
interesting  facts  on  this  subject,  but  I  much 
question  if  it  is  possible  with  his  system  to 
solve  the  problem.  I  am  confident  that  a 
thorough  investigation  of  insect  flight 
will  result  in  information  of  very  great 
practical  value  to  the  physicist  and  the 
mechanician,  and  therefore  were  worthy 
the  attention  of  any  of  your  members  who 
have  the  time,  the  facilities,  and  the 
disposition  to  pursue  that  line  of  research. 

I  am,  Sir, 

Yours  faithfully,  E.  Muybridge 

Reports  referred  to  in  the  above  Letter: 

[The  first  "report"  in  Muybridge's 
Appendix  to  his  letter  is  Marey's  letter, 
preceded  by  Tissandier's  introduction  to  it, 
both  of  which  are  reprinted  as  Document 
B,  above.] 

Gentleman's  Magazine,  vol.  251.  Article 
appearing  December,  1881,  signed 
"Richard  A.  Proctor."  "About  two  years 
ago  I  heard,  for  the  first  time,  of  a 
photographic  achievement  which  seemed 
to  me  at  the  time  scarce  credible,  and 
which  I  was  presently  assured  by  one  of 
our  ablest  English  photographers  was 
absolutely  outside  the  bounds  of 
possibility.  .  .  . 

"Yet  it  is  found  that  so  soon  as  the 
pictures,  instead  of  being  studied 
separately  and  with  steady  gaze,  are 
submitted  in  rapid  succession  to  the  eye  .  . 
.  .by  arranging  them  uniformly  round  the 
outside  of  a  rather  large  disc,  only  a  small 
portion  of  the  upper  part  of  which  can  be 
seen  at  a  single  view,  and  setting  this  disc  in 
rapid  rotation,  so  that  picture  after  picture 
comes  into  view  ....  we  are  able  to  see  the 

horse      galloping      as     in     nature stride 

succeeding  stride every  circumstance  of 

the  motion,  even  to  the  waving  of  the  tail 
and  mane  being  truthfully,  and  therefore 
naturally,  presented." 

Le  Globe  (of  Paris),  September  27th,  1881. 

(M.   Vilbort) "M.   Marey,  professeur  au 

College  de  France,  reunissait  hier  quelques 
savants,  etrangers  et  frangais,  dans  la 
maison  nouvelle  qu'il  habite  au  Trocadero  . 
.  .  .  Parmi  les  invites  de  M.  Marey  on 
remarquait  M.  Von  Helmholtz  .  .  .  M.  Govi 
MM.  Bjerknes,  Brown-Sequard, 
Mascart,  Lippmann,  Nadar,  Gaston 
Tissandier.  .  .  Crookes,  etc.  .  .  .  Les 
mouvements  sont  decomposes  et 
reproduits,  y  compris  les  mouvements 
transitoires  entre  les  diverses  allures  .  .  .  par 
le      procede      zootropique.      C'est      la 

reproduction mais    projetee,    c'est-a-dire 

agrandie  et  visible  pour  un  plus  grand 
nombre de  la  curieuse  experience  qu'on 


fait  au  zootrope  sur  les  tables  des  salons. 
.  .Nous  voyons  ainsi  passer  devant  nos  yeux 
de  longues  files  de  chevauz  au  galop 
s'assemblant,  s'etalant  avec  la  plus 
surprenante  souplesse.  Puis  des  chiens  les 
suivent,  courant  entre  leurs  jambes  la 
queue  au  vent. 

"Dans  ce  defile  diabolique,  dans  cette 
chasse  infernale,  les  cerfs  courents  apre"s  les 
chiens,  les  boeufs  poursuivent  les  cerfs,  et 
les  pores  eux-me'mes  montrent  dans  leur 
galop  de  folles  pretentions  a  la  gr&ce  et  a  la 

"La  photographie  surprend  aussi  le  vol 
des  oiseaux  dan  les  mille  combinasions  de 
leurs  ailes  qui  tant&t  relevees  planent 
au-dessus  de  leur  corps,  tantcU  se  repliant 
les  enveloppent  tout  entiers." 

The    Standard   (London),  November  28th, 

1881. "M.    Meissonier  has  just  gathered 

in  his  studio  all  the  most  celebrated  French 
artists  and  sculptors  to  witness  some 
curious  experiments.  .  .  .When  these 
twenty-four  photographs,  placed  in  a  kind 
of  wheel,  were  turned  rapidly,  and  made  to 
pass  before  the  lens  of  the  magic  lantern, 
their  truthfullness  was  demonstrated  most 

Illustrated    London    News,     March     18th, 

1882  (Geo.  A.  Sala). "By  the  aid  of  an 

astonishing  apparatus  called  a 
'Zoopraxiscope,'  which  the  lecturer 
described  as  an  improvement  on  the  old 
'Zoetrope,'  but  which  may  be  briefly 
defined  as  a  Magic  Lantern  Run  Mad  (with 
method  in  the  madness),  the  ugly  animals 
suddenly  became  mobile  and  beautiful,  and 
walked,  cantered,  ambled,  galloped  and 
leaped  over  hurdles  in  the  field  of  vision  in 
a  perfectly  natural  manner.  .  .  .After  the 
horses,  dogs,  oxen,  wild  bulls  and  deer, 
were  shown  under  analogous  conditions  of 
varied  movement,  and  finally  Man 
appeared  (in  instantaneous  photography) 
on  the  scene  and  walked,  ran,  leaped,  and 
turned  back-somersaults  to  admiration." 

evident  ...  an  imperishable  record  of  the 
figure,  height,  dress,  carriage  and  gait  of 
any  eminent  man  .  .  .  could  be  had. 
Posterity  at  the  bidding  of  our 
photographic  necromancers  could  call  up 
any  of  these  worthies  at  any  future  date, 
and  see  him  move  across  the  stage  with  a 
startling  verisimilitude.  Nay,  we  would 
have  his  very  'walk  and  conversation.'  .  .  . 
The  phonograph,  at  the  same  time,  as  we 
may  anticipate  from  its  ultimate 
perfection,  might  repeat  audibly.     .  .  ." 




New    York, 
Garrison  J.- 


it     is 


1.  This  shutter,  made  partially  of  a 
cigar-box  top,  is  in  the  Stanford 
Museum  Collection.  It  is  illustrated  on 
p.  111. The  sky -shade  was  a  forerunner  of 
the  appratus  Muybridge  devised  for 
taking  instantaneous  photographs  of 
Stanford's  horses. 

2.  Muybridge  had  gone  to  Yosemite  with 
his  equipment  in  a  box  marked 
"Houseworth."  But  upon  his  return,  he 
deserted  his  old  publisher,  and  moved 
to  Bradley  &  Rulofson. 

3.  Rulofson  thus  proclaims  that,  for  a 
Californian  of  the  period,  he  was  an 
Equal  Opportunity  Employer. 

4.  Muybridge  had  won  the  Gold  Medal  at 
Vienna  in  1873  for  his  large  187  2  views 
of  Yosemite. 

5.  Helen  Arbuckle,  "Muybridge  Made 
Pictures  of  Motion,"  San  Jose  Mercury 
and  News,  2  April  1972. 

6.  Copy  in  Rare  Books  and  Special 
Collections,  San  Francisco  Public 
Library.  The  photographic  copies  of  the 
documents  were  made  at  Vance's 
Gallery,  whose  premises  in  San 
Francisco  Bradley  &  Rulofson 
eventually  occupied. 

7.  Muybridge,  in  the  first  three  of  the 
locations,  refers  to  Alaska,  1868; 
Panama,  1875;  Yosemite,  1872. 
Photographs  taken  "beneath  the  waters 
of  our  Bay"  have  yet  to  be  found. 

8.  Translations  by  J.  Sue  Porter,  Stanford 
University  Museum  of  Art.  Tissandier 
had  published  an  article  by  Marey  on 
the  graphic  notation  of  movement 
("Moteurs  animes,  Experiences  de 
physiologie  graphique, "  a  paper  given 
at  the  French  Association  for  the 
Advancement  of  Science,  29  August 
1878)  in  two  installments  preceding  his 
publication  of  the  Stanford/Muybridge 
experiments:  La  Nature,  No.  278,  28 
September  1878,  and  No.  279,  5 
October  1878. 

9.  Louis  Cailletet  (1832-1913),  a  French 


10. Muybridge's  dating  is  confusing.  See  his 
statement  that  Stanford  had  read 
Animal  Mechanism,  especially  p.  161, 
before  187  2  in  his  unsigned  article, 
Document  E.  Marey's  La  Machine 
Animate  was  published  in  Paris  in  1873; 
in  New  York,  under  the  title  Animal 
Mechanism,  in  1874.  In  fact,  in  a  later 
letter  [reprinted  as  Document  I], 
Muybridge  gives  the  date  as  1874.  By 
thus  blurring  the  two  dates,  Muybridge 
condenses  the  two  phases  of  the 
Stanford/Muybridge  experiments  into 
one.  The  distinction  is  that  in  1872 
they  were  attempting  to  prove  by  a 
single  instantaneous  photograph  that  a 
horse  at  some  point  in  his  stride  has  all 
four  feet  off  the  ground;  by  1874,  the 
experimental  idea  had  expanded,  and 
what  they  now  sought  to  obtain 
through  a  series  of  instantaneous 
photographs  was  a  record  of  all  the 
phases  of  a  horse's  stride.  This  was 
accomplished  at  Palo  Alto  in  1878, 
after  Muybridge 's  return  from  Central 

11. For  the  clock,  see  Proceedings  of  the 
Royal  Institution  of  Great  Britain,  for 
13  March  1882. 

12. The  eldest  of  the  three  brothers,  Ernst 
Heinrich  Weber  (1795-1878),  was  an 
anatomist  and  physiologist.  Another 
researcher  was  the  American  physician 
and  author,  Oliver  Wendell  Holmes 
(1809-94),  Holmes  studied  the 
instantaneous  stereoscopic  views  of  the 
streets  of  London,  Paris  and  New  York, 
which  were  first  published  in  1859,  and 
found  that  the  walking  figures  in  them 
showed  entirely  different  attitudes  from 
those  depicted  by  artists.  "We  thought 
we  could  add  something  to  what  is 
known  about  it  [the  mechanism  of 
walking]  from  a  new  source,  accessible 
only  within  the  last  few  years  and 
never,  so  far  as  we  know,  employed  for 
its  elucidation,  namely  the 
instantaneous  photograph."  He 
employed  the  artist  F.O.C.  Darley  to 
make  drawings  from  the  photographs; 
these    were   published    with   his   article, 

"The  Human  Wheel,  its  Spokes  and 
Felloes,"  in  Atlantic  Monthly,  Vol  II, 
May  1863,  pp.  567-80.  (For  a  fuller 
discussion  of  Holmes's  inquiry,  see  B. 
Newhall,  "Photography  and  the 
Development  of  Kinetic  Visualization," 
Journal  of  the  Warburg  and  Courtauld 
Institutes,  Vol.  VII,  Nos.  1  and  2,  1944, 
pp.  40-45.) 

13. Olive  Cook,  in  Movement  in  Two 
Dimensions,  London,  1963,  p.  127, 
gives  1867  as  the  year  in  which  the 
Daedelum  or  Wheel  of  Life  was  brought 
out  in  the  United  States  under  the  name 
of  Zoetrope. 

14. By  this  time  Muybridge  was  working  on 
his  first  zoopraxiscope,  which  he 
demonstrated  at  Leland  Stanford's  Palo 
Alto  home  in  the  autumn. 

15. For  an  example  of  Eakins's 
diagrammatic  representation,  see 
illustration  above. 

16. The  first  mention  of  combining  sound 
with  photographically  analyzed  motion. 
Cf.  remark  in  The  S.F.  Call  for  5  May 
1880,  "All  that  was  missing  was  the 
clatter      of      hoofs!"  (Kingston 

Scrapbook,  p.  58). 

17. E.J.  Marey,  Animal  Mechanism,  New 
York,  1874.  On  this  page  Marey  also 
remarks:  "All  [the  necessary  researches 
into  animal  locomotion  ]  can  only  be 
effected  by  men  especially  interested  in 
these  inquiries,  and  placed  in  favorable 
circumstances  to  undertake  them."  This 
certainly  is  a  description  that  suits 
Leland  Stanford.  Stanford  immediately 
accepted  the  challenge. 

18. But  see  the  date  of  Animal  Mechanism, 

19. For  a  discussion  of  the  difference 
between  recording  photographically  the 
motion  of  a  subject  who  moves  along  the 
line  of  vision  and  one  that  moves  across 
it,  or  laterally,  see  B.  Newhall,  op.  cit. 

20. For  a  discussion  of  the  published 
picture,  see  catalogue. 

21. An  error  in  date.  There  were  no  series 
pictures  until  1878. 

22.Enoch    Wood    Perry,    Jr.    (1831-1915), 

was  an  internationally  famous  portrait 
painter.  He  is  listed  in  Muybridge 's 
promotion  piece  for  Animal 
Locomotion  as  a  subscriber. 
"A  California  Coach  and  Four"  is 
probably  an  oblique  reference  to  Thomas 
Eakins's  use  of  the  photographs  of 
Edgington  for  the  painting  The  Fairman 
Rogers  Four-in-Hand,  1879.  Muybridge 
never  refers  to  Eakins  by  name,  although 
he  corresponded  with  him. 

23. See  illustrations. 

24. Again,  Muybridge's  time  calculations 
appear  to  be  off.  The  first  serial 
photographs  were  taken  in  the  spring  of 
1878;  the  zoogyroscope  (later  called  the 
zoopraxiscope)  was  operated  in  1879,  a 
matter  of  a  year  and  several  months. 
But  it  must  be  remembered  that  in 
1877,  Muybridge  and  Stanford  ordered 
twelve  cameras  for  the  experiments;  a 
strip  of  an  object  in  motion  for  a 
zoetrop  with  thirteen  slots  has  twelve 
images.  It  seems  likely  that  Stanford 
and  Muybridge  followed  Marey's 
suggestion  in  1874  of  producing  an 
"animated  zoology,"  and  from  then 
onward  directed  the  experiments 
toward  the  synthesis  as  well  as  the 
analysis  of  motion. 

25. Muybridge  later  reduced  the  size  of  the 
disk  to  twelve  inches. 

26.Stillman,  in  his  deposition,  cited  in  the 
introduction,  says:  "The  first  thing 
done   was,    we  sent  to  Chicago  for  the 

skeleton  of  a  horse or  the  Governor 

did.  We  had  no  basis,  no  anatomical 
knowledge  relating  to  horses,  and  no 
way  by  which  we  could  get  it;  and  it 
was  evident  to  me  that  we  had  got  to 
begin  on  the  anatomy.  .  .  .  We  therefore 
sent  for  the  skeleton.  (Stillman 
deposition,  pp.  4-5.)  The  skeleton  is 
shown  in  six  different  phases  of  motion 
in  the  drawings  made  from  Muybridge's 
photographs  for  Stillman's  book  (Plates 
XII,  XXXV  and  XLVHI).  Photographs 
of  it  appear  on  the  last  ten  pages  of 
Muybridge's  The  Attitudes  of  Animals 
in  Motion,  Palo  Alto,  May  1881. 

27. The   letter   was   written  two  days  after 


Meissonier's  reception,  which  was  held 
on  Saturday,  26  November,  the  day  on 
which  Stanford  left. 

28. See  p.  6  for  a  reproduction  of  the 

29. By  "disposition"  Muybridge  means 
further  financial  support. 

30. Stanford  had  returned  to  Palo  Alto  by 
now,  and  when  the  letter  was  received 
there  by  Shay,  in  early  1882,  had 
already  written  his  Preface  to  J.D.B. 
Stillman's  The  Horse  in  Motion. 

31. By  "embarrassing"  does  Muybridge 
refer  to  his  enforced  travel  to  Central 
America  in  1875-76  after  the  scandal  of 
the  Larkyns  murder  of  1874?  The  serial 
trials  were  probably  envisioned  in  1874, 
the  year  Marey's  book  was  published  in 
English,  but  could  not  be  taken  up  until 
after  Muybridge  had  returned  and  had 
finished  printing  his  Central  America 
photographs;  that  is,  not  until  1877. 

32. The  letters  to  Stanford  have  not  been 
found  by  the  authors  of  this  catalogue. 

33. His  Yosemite  series  of  1872,  which 
occupied  him  for  almost  a  year,  brought 
Muybridge  over  $20,000.  On  30  May 
1881,  Stanford  paid  Muybridge  $2,000 
for  his  work  at  the  Palo  Alto  Farm, 
which  had  occupied  him  intermittantly 
from  1877  to  1881.  (The  record  of 
payment  is  in  the  Collis  P.  Huntington 
Collection  of  the  George  Arents 
Research  Library,  Syracuse  University.) 
The  payment  was  made  to  Muybridge  in 
New  York,  and  is  marked  on  Stanford's 
account  as  "chargeable  to  Photograph 
a/c."  This  strange  letter  designation 
may  be  deciphered  as  "auto- 
matic-electro," which  is  Muybridge 's 
description  of  his  first  published 
"photograph"  of  Occident  in  1877. 

34. The  letter  is  not  in  Muybridge's  hand. 
The  two  printed  above,  to  Shay,  are. 

35. The  two  following  items  are  paired  in 
the  Kingston  Scrapbook. 

36. Muybridge  instituted  his  first  suit 
Osgood  us.  Muybridge  in  the  Circuit 
Court  of  Massachusetts  on  14 
September    1882.  It     was     immediately 

non-suited;    Muybridge     then    initiated 
Stanford  vs.  Muybridge. 

37. See  Documents,  E. 

38. The  original  painting  is  now  in  the 
Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New 
York,  and  the  watercolor  in  the 
Huntington  Hartford  Collection. 

39.Muybridge  was  in  San  Francisco 
preparing  to  embark  upon  A 
Zoopraxigraphical  tour  of  the  Orient. 
During  his  visit  to  the  city,  he  also 
wrote  two  notes  to  Stanford,  (5  August 
189  2,  originals  in  The  Bancroft 
Library),  asking  that  he  deliver  two 
boxes  of  equipment  to  friends  of  his  in 
the  area,  the  Doyles.  It  is  these  two 
wooden  boxes,  we  believe,  which  were 
recently  found  in  San  Francisco  by 
Marilyn  Blaisdell,  a  San  Francisco  dealer 
in  Californiana,  and  purchased  by  the 
Stanford  Museum.  The  lamp  housing 
for  the  Stanford  copy  of  the 
zoopraxiscope,  a  chromotrope,  the 
lateral  sliding  shutter  of  1869,  and  the 
glass  positives  of  animals  in  motion 
illustrated  in  the  catalogue  were  in  them. 
The  Doyle  family  of  Menlo  Park  for  years 
held  the  collection  of  Muybridge 
stereographs  and  larger  views  that  is 
now  in  The  Bancroft  Library. 
Instead  of  touring  the  Orient, 
Muybridge  accepted  an  invitation  to 
lecture  at  the  World's  Columbian 
Exposition  in  Chicago,  1893. 

40. The  letter  has  not  been  found  by  the 
authors  of  this  catalogue. 

41. From  August  of  1879  until  May  of 
1881,  Muybridge  worked  on  the 
improvement  of  his  zoopraxiscope  and 
on  printing  The  Attitudes  of  Animals  in 
Motion.  He  also  gave  lectures 
throughout  California  during  this 

4 2. Muybridge  must  be  referring  to  The 
Attitudes  of  Animals  in  Motion.  An 
advertisement  for  Attitudes  appeared  in 
The  British  Journal  of  Photography  for 
19  August  1881:  "THE  ATTITUDES 
OF  ANIMALS  IN  MOTION.  A  series  of 
209  PHOTOGRAPHS,  illustrating  2,000 

attitudes  of  Men,  Horses,  Dogs,  and 
other  Animals,  while  executing  their 
various  movements  from  life,  by 
MUYBRIDGE.  Price  £20  for  the  entire 
series.  Published  by  the  Author,  and  for 
sale  at  the  Office  of  The  British  Journal 
of  Photography,  2,  York  St.,  Covent 
Garden,  London,  W.C."  Then  it  was 
Leland  Stanford's  name  that  was 
missing.  This  and  the  letters  to  Shay 
reprinted  above  probably  made 
Stanford  hurry  home  to  produce  his 
own  book. 

43.Muybridge  refers  to  John  Henry  Pepper, 
author  of  The  Boy's  Play  book  of 
Science,  London  and  New  York,  second 
edition,    1860. 

44. Muybridge  is  referring  to  the  following 
passage,  p.  26  of  his  Descriptive 
Zoopraxography  (1893): 

"Although  the  one  six-thousandth 
part  of  a  second  was  the  duration  of  the 
most  rapid  exposure  made  in  this 
investigation,  it  is  by  no  means  the  limit 
of  mechanically  effected  photographic 
exposures.  Marey,  in  his  remarkable 
physiological  investigations,  has 
recently  made  successive  exposures  with 
far  less  intervals  of  time;  and  the  author 
has  devised,  and  when  a  relaxation  of 
the  demands  upon  his  time  permit,  will 
use  an  apparatus  which  will  photograph 
twenty  consecutive  phases  of  a  single 
vibration  of  the  wing  of  an  insect;  even 
assuming  as  correct  a  quotation  from 
Nicholson's  Journal  by  Pettigrew  in  his 
work  on  Animal  Locomotion  that  a 
common  house  fly  will  make  during 
flight  seven  hundred  and  fifty  vibrations 
of  its  wings  in  a  second  of  time,  a 
number  probably  far  in  excess  of  the 

The  ingenious  gentlemen  who  are 
persistently  endeavoring  to  overcome 
the  obstacles  in  the  construction  of  an 
apparatus  for  aerial  navigation,  will 
perhaps  some  day  be  awakened  by  the 
fact  that  the  only  successful  method  of 
propulsion  will  be  found  in  the  action 
of  the  wing  of  an  insect." 


Muybridge  Bibliography 

By  Muybridge 

With  original  photographs  and  text: 

The  Attitudes  of  Animals  in  Motion,  Palo  Alto,  1881 
[see  catalogue  entry] 

With  reproductions  of  his  photographs  and  text: 

Animal  Locomotion,  University  of  Pennsylvania,  1887 

"An  electro- photographic  investigation  of  consecutive 

phases  of  animal  movements.  1872-1885" 

11  volumes;  781  plates  in  portfolios,  19  1/8  x  24  3/8  in. 

The  plates  printed  by  the  Photogravure  Company  of  New  York 

Animals  in  Motion:  An  Electro-Photographic  Investigation  of 

Consecutive  Phases  of  Animal  Progressive  Movements, 

London,  Chapman  &  Hall,  1899 

"Commenced  1872.  Completed  1885" 

264  pp.,  118  illustrations,  including  examples  from  both 

the  Palo  Alto  and  the  University  of  Pennsylvania  experiments 

The  Human  Figure  in  Motion:  An  Electro-Photographic 
Investigation  of  Consecutive  Phases  of  Muscular  Actions, 
London,  Chapman  &  Hall,  1901 
"Commenced  1872.  Completed  1885" 
280  pp.,  154  illustrations 

Descriptive  of  his  work: 

"Leland  Stanford's  Gift  to  Science  and  to  Art," 
San  Francisco  Examiner,   6  February  1881 

Animal  Locomotion,  Prospectus  and  Catalogue, 
University  of  Pennsylvania,  1887 

The  Science  of  Animal  Locomotion  (Zobpraxography), 
University  of  Pennsylvania,  1891 

Descriptive  Zob'praxography,  or  the  Science  of  Animal 
Locomotion  Made  Popular,   University  of  Pennsylvania,  1893 
"Published  as  a  memento  of  a  series  of  lectures  given  by  the 
author  under  the  auspices  of  the  United  States  Government 
Bureau  of  Education  at  the  World's  Columbian  Exposition, 
in  Zoopraxographical  Hall,  1893" 

Recent  reissues  of  Muybridge's  work,  edited: 

The  Human  Figure  in  Motion,   introduction  by  R.A.  Taft, 
New  York,  Dover,  1955 

Animals  in  Motion,   L.S.  Brown,  ed.,  New  York,  Dover,  1957 

Animal  Locomotion,   Vol.  1,  "Males  (nude),"  New  York, 
Da  Capo  Press,  1969 

On  the  Muybridge  Work 

Catalogue  of  Photographic  Views  Illustrating  The  Yosemite, 
Mammoth  Trees,  Geyser  Springs,  and  other  remarkable  and 
Interesting  Scenery  of  the  Far  West,  by  Muybridge,  Bradley  & 
Rulofson  Gallery  of  Portrait  and  Landscape  Photographic  Art, 
San  Francisco,  1873 
2,385  entries 

J.D.B.  Stillman,  The  Horse  in  Motion,  1882 
[see  catalogue  entry] 

W.D.  Marks,  H.  Allen,  F.X.  Dercum,  Animal  Locomotion.  The 
Muybridge  Work  at  the  University  of  Pennsylvania.  The  Method 
and  the  Result,  University  of  Pennsylvania,  1888 

F.X.  Dercum,  "The  Walk  and  Some  of  its  Phases  in  Disease; 
Together  with  Other  Studies  Based  on  the  Muybridge  Investi- 
gation," Transactions,   College  of  Physicians  of  Philadelphia,  10, 
1888,  pp.  308-338 


W.E.  Finny,  "Eadweard  James  Muybridge:  A  Famous  Kingstonian, 
Scientist,  Inventor,  Benefactor,"  The  Concentric,  Kingston-upon- 
Thames,  Summer,  1931 

T.E.  Keys  and  L.A.  Julin,  "The  Development  of  the  Medical 
Motion  Picture,"  Surgery,  Gynecology  and  Obstetrics,  Vol.  91, 
November  1950,  pp.  625-636 

B.  Newhall,  "Muybridge  and  the  First  Motion  Picture;  the  Horse 
in  the  History  of  the  Movies,"  Image,  January  1956,  pp. 4-11; 
reprinted,  U.S.  Camera  Annual,  1957,  pp.  235-42 

Gordon  Hendricks,  The  Edison  Motion  Picture  Myth,  Berkeley, 
University  of  California  Press,  1961 

Mary  V.  Jessup  Hood  and  Robert  Bartlett  Haas,  "Eadweard 
Muybridge's  Yosemite  Valley  Photographs,  1867-1872," 
California  Historical  Society  Quarterly,  Vol.  XLII, 
San  Francisco,  March  1963,  pp.  5-26 

W.I.  Homer  with  J.  Talbot,  "Eakins,  Muybridge  and  the  Motion 
Picture  Process,"  The  Art  Quarterly,  Vol.  XXVI,  No.  2, 
Summer  1963,  pp.  194-216 

H.  Hamilton,  "Les  Allures  du  cheval,  Eadweard  James 
Muybridge's  Contribution  to  the  Motion  Picture," 
Film  Comment,  Vol.  V,  No.  3,  Fall,  1969,  pp.  18-35 


Robert  Bartlett  Haas,  Muybridge,  Man  in  Motion,  Berkeley, 
University  of  California  Press 

Thorn  Andersen,  Eadweard  Muybridge,  Zobpraxographer 
A  sixty-minute  film  in  16  mm. color.  Made  at  UCLA 


We  are  grateful  to  the  institutions  and  individuals 
noted  in  the  catalogue  who  have  loaned  material  to  the 
exhibition,  and  to  those  who  have  given  permission  to 
have  their  material  illustrated  in  the  catalogue. 

Information  for  the  exhibition  and  the  catalogue  has  come 
from  many  sources.  We  particularly  thank  Robert  B.  Haas; 
A.  William  and  Mary  V.J.  Hood,  Twenty  nine  Palms,  California; 
Susan  Rosenberg,  Stanford  University  Archives;  Beaumont  Newhall, 
University  of  New  Mexico;  John  Barr  Tompkins,  The  Bancroft 
Library;  Daniel  Ross,  Academy  of  Motion  Picture  Arts  and  Sciences; 
F.  John  Owens,  Central  Library,  Kingston-upon-Thames;  Susan 
Frank,  Washington,  D.C.;and  William  I.  Homer,  University  of 

The  photographer  Leo  Holub  of  Stanford  University  made  it 
possible  to  include  Muybridge's  Central  America  work  and  the 
San  Francisco  panorama  in  the  exhibition  by  making  copy  negatives 
and  prints  from  the  bound  originals.  He  also  made  exhibition 
prints  from  the  Muybridge  negatives  of  the  San  Francisco  home. 
Ralph  E.  Talbert,  professor  of  photography  in  the  Department 
of  Journalism,  Sacramento  State  College,  made  exhibition  prints 
from  Muybridge  negatives  of  the  Stanford  Sacramento  home  and 
the  eclipse  of  the  sun.  Thomas  Waskevich  of  Stanford  University 
Reprographic  Services  photographed  the  Muybridge  equipment 
for  the  catalogue. 

Timothy  Vitale  and  Donald  Glaister  prepared  the  photographs 
and  the  optical  toys  for  the  exhibition. 

David  Beach,  Stanford  University  Mechanical  Design  Department, 
brought  a  zoopraxiscope  once  again  to  Palo  Alto  Farm. 

Lorenz  Eitner,  director  of  the  Stanford  Museum  and 

Chairman  of  the  Department  of  Art,  graciously  supported 

the  exhibition  and  catalogue.  The  staff  of  the  Stanford 

Museum,  of  which  Betsy  G.  Fryberger  was  Acting  Curator 

during  the  period  of  the  exhibition's  installation,  has  also  helped 

to  make  both  the  exhibition  and  the  catalogue  possible. 

In  the  name  of  Muybridge,  sincere  thanks  is  extended  to 
them  all. A.V.  Mozley 

Printing:  Hooper  Printing  &  Lithography,  San  Francisco 
Type:  Evelyn  Miller,  Compco-Type,  San  Francisco 
Design:  A.V.  Mozley ,  Stanford  University  Museum  of  Art 


Eadweard  Muybrit